|
|
Ambassador Mahiga
visits Mogadishu on Thursday
Ambassador Mahiga,
the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia
headed a delegation to visit President Sheikh Sharif of the TFG in
Mogadishu on Thursday. He was accompanied by the IGAD Facilitator
for Peace in Somalia and a representative of the AU. Ambassador
Mahiga was delivering a message with the aim of helping to resolve
some of the problems within the TFIs, and, hopefully, with the
intent to address the issues in a comprehensive manner. There have
been some activities in the last week or two among TFI members which
can hardly be considered to be in conformity with the Djibouti
Agreement. These were carried out without the knowledge of the TFG’s
President.
It is becoming clearer and clearer that wittingly, or unwittingly,
third parties can exacerbate misunderstandings among TFG officials
which could otherwise be easily resolved. Letters, recently
addressed to some UN officials and written without the President’s
knowledge, make it clear this sort of activity has been going on. It
is to be hoped that the delegation that visited Mogadishu on
Thursday would have the opportunity to focus on this matter, and
would provide the President with assurances that the UN, the AU and
IGAD do not view any such activities as acceptable. Of course, the
President of the TFG also has the related obligation to ensure that
there is harmony and stability within the TFG and the TFIs. All the
same, focusing on this aspect of the difficult situation in
Mogadishu will not help much unless there is also an effort to
address attempts to sideline the President. We would hope therefore
that the delegation that visited Mogadishu yesterday did make a real
effort to address the issues as comprehensively as possible.
******************
top |
|
Smoke and Mirrors:
Eritrea, the UN and Somalia
We noted last week
how important, indeed how necessary, it is for the international
community to be fully aware of the aims and intentions of the
leadership of Eritrea. In the visit last week to Eritrea by Mr. Lynn
Pascoe, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, and by
the Secretary-General’s Special Representative on Somalia,
Ambassador Mahiga, who returned to Asmara again a few days later,
President Isaias apparently insisted on his readiness to work
together with the Special Representative on Somalia despite his
continued insistence that the UN, and indeed everybody else, has got
it all wrong on Somalia and that only Eritrea has any understanding
of the reality of the situation there. His contention remains that
all external involvement in Somalia, except of course Eritrea’s
involvement including its support for extremist organizations, is
unacceptable.
President Isaias
told Ambassador Mahiga that it was the UN’s responsibility to create
conducive grounds for Somalis to resolve their differences and to
resolve the issue in an “apolitically inclusive manner”. But as he
has repeatedly made clear in the past, President Isaias does not
include the TFG in this. Eritrea has pointedly refused to recognize
the TFG despite its international recognition, nor does President
Isaias accept the Djibouti Agreements of 2008 which provide the
basis for the present progress towards reconciliation in Somalia.
President Isaias’ version of inclusivity rejects progress made
towards reconciliation, and insists on the inclusion of
organizations that have been identified as terrorist groups by the
UN and the US – Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam, and leaders such as
Sheikh Hassan Dahir ‘Aweys’ who is on international terrorist lists.
Sheikh ‘Aweys’ of course spent over two years as a pensioner of
Asmara after he fled from Mogadishu when the TFG returned there in
January 2007. Eritrea sent him back down to Mogadishu in April 2009,
together with three plane loads of arms from Asmara, to try to seize
power together with Al-Shabaab in Mogadishu, in what would have
amounted to a military coup against the internationally recognized
and supported Transitional Federal Government. The effort was
defeated, largely due to the operations of AMISOM.
The attempt came
after Sheikh ‘Aweys’, apparently angered by the accession of his
former protégée, Sheikh Sharif to the presidency in Mogadishu,
refused to accept the Djibouti Agreement, between the former TFG
leaders and Sheikh Sharif in the first major advance in the
reconciliation process. This process, we would note, has continued
this year, for example, by the agreement between the TFG and the
moderate Ahlu Suna wal Jama’a, signed in Addis Ababa, as well as the
agreement between the TFG and the Government of Puntland. These are
examples of progress towards a peaceful settlement in Somalia which
President Isaias simply ignores in his apparent efforts to encourage
extremist elements into power in Mogadishu.
In fact, there still
appears to be a very considerable divergence between Eritrea’s
current views as articulated to the UN Deputy-Secretary-General for
Political Affairs and the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General, and its current actions. Equally, at the same
time as President Isaias was talking to Mr. Pascoe and Ambassador
Mahiga, there were reports of a plane load of weapons and medical
supplies landing in Kismayo. Al-Shabaab militia sealed off all roads
leading in and out of the airport while the weapons were being
unloaded. About thirty wounded Al-Shabaab fighters, including five
foreigners, were then loaded onto the plane and flown back to
Asmara. Sources close to Al-Shabaab confirmed that the plane came
from Eritrea. An Eritrean official who flew down from Asmara in the
plane also traveled to Afgoye to meet with Sheikh ‘Aweys’. A couple
of weeks ago, Al-Shabaab announced a “final” jihad against foreign
forces in Mogadishu and, despite the fact that it is the month of
Ramadan, it has launched a continuous series of attacks against
AMISOM and TFG positions in the last ten days. The increase in
activity would explain the need for new weapon supplies at this
juncture, and the need for treatment for seriously wounded members
of Al-Shabaab. The offensive did not yield any success though it has
caused heavy casualties. AMISOM believes it has reduced Al-Shabaab’s
capacity significantly.
The TFG has also
provided plenty of evidence of continued Eritrean support for Al-Shabaab
and Hizbul Islam in recent months, and of Eritrea’s continued
violations of the conditions of Security Council Resolution 1907,
its refusal to stop assistance and support to the extremist
opponents of the TFG, and its continued efforts to destabilize
Ethiopia and others in the Horn of Africa. It was only a few months
ago that there were once again allegations that Eritrea was still
continuing to supply arms to some of the Darfur movements. It is
still supporting anti-government terrorist organizations in Ethiopia
and in Djibouti as well as in Somalia.
The issue, of
course, is not whether Eritrea is right or wrong in its analysis of
the situation in Somalia. There is no argument over suggestions that
the TFG should pursue a process of peace and reconciliation as well
as attempt to establish its authority and control in Mogadishu. It
has in fact been consistently doing so since the Djibouti Agreement
was signed two years ago. It has repeatedly made it very clear it is
prepared to talk to any group which is prepared to reject extremism
and violence. This is where many analysts like Bronwyn Bruton with
the extraordinary and dangerously futile idea of ‘constructive
disengagement’ appear to ignore most of what has happened in this
period. The problem comes when the suggestion is made that the TFG
should talk to even the most extreme terrorist elements in Al-Shabaab
and Hizbul Islam – the very elements which have been the protégées
of Eritrea and which have deliberately and publicly chosen to
associate with Al Qaeda. These elements have made it abundantly
clear they have not the slightest interest in rejecting violence,
nor is there any indication that the Government of Eritrea has any
intention of persuading them to do so.
The issue here is
what are Eritrea’s aims and as it has demonstrated clearly enough in
the past its interest in Somalia revolves around its attempts to
expand its conflict with Ethiopia and to try to use Somalia to
extend its efforts at destabilization of Ethiopia, and of other
states in the region, including Djibouti. Resolution 1907 imposed
sanctions on Eritrea for its invasion of Djibouti, for its active
support for extremist organizations trying to overthrow the
Government of Somalia and for its repeated efforts to destabilize
the Horn of Africa as a whole.
It is true that
since last December, and rather obviously as the result of the
imposition of sanctions, the Eritrean Government does appear to have
been trying to persuade members of the Security Council that it has
changed its policies. President Isaias has also tried to go on a
media charm offensive to underline this. The major step has been for
Eritrea to allow Qatar mediation in its dispute with Djibouti and
withdrawn the troops that invaded Djibouti in June 2008. This, of
course, is to be welcomed, but it is very clear that Eritrea has
only agreed to withdraw as a public relations exercise. It still
refuses to admit that it has had any dispute with Djibouti, or even
that its troops ever crossed the Djibouti border despite their
withdrawal.
President Isaias has
made no other moves to indicate any change of policy. He has allowed
himself the luxury of a number of interviews with members of the
international media though not all appear to have been entirely to
his liking. Equally, although he has refused to accept a visit from
the US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, he did agree that
his Principal Deputy should visit Asmara. He then, however,
pointedly refused to meet him. Despite refusal earlier to allow a UN
fact-finding mission investigating Eritrea’s problem with Djibouti,
he has now received the UN Under-Secretary-General for Political
Affairs, and the Secretary-General’s Special Representative on
Somalia.
During these last
visits, President Isaias apparently “offered” to play a role in
trying to assist the more moderate extremists to reconcile with the
TFG. Apart from the fact that this underlines Eritrea’s close
involvement with Al-Shabaab and other extremists, the “offer”
included no indication that he is prepared to make any change in
Eritrea’s policy on the ground. There has been no move to withdraw
Eritrea’s support for Al-Shabaab or Hizbul Islam (indeed as we noted
above, quite the contrary), or to moderate Eritrea’s enmity towards
the TFG, or to stop efforts at destabilization in Ethiopia or the
Horn of Africa more generally. Indeed, all indications are that
Eritrea, and President Isaias, is doing no more than play a game
with the aim of trying to persuade the Security Council to moderate
or withdraw sanctions. There is still every indication that he
intends to continue all his past policies unchanged.
Meanwhile, IGAD has called for a consultative meeting of the IGAD
Council of Ministers on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly.
The agenda will cover Horn of Africa issues and Somalia in
particular as well as the role of Eritrea, and implementation of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan. The UN Secretary-General has
already made it clear that he will hold two summits on Somalia and
the Sudan during the Assembly. It is expected that these meetings
will expedite further support for the TFG and AMISOM in Somalia,
consider the possibility of ‘re-hating’ AMISOM as a UN peacekeeping
force, and backing for the full implementation of the CPA in Sudan
in the months before the referendum next January .
*****************
top |
|
Somaliland’s
Foreign Minister in Addis Ababa
The new Somaliland
Foreign Minister, Dr. Mohamed Abdullahi Omar, paid an official visit
to Ethiopia this week. He met and held extensive discussions with
State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Tekeda Alemu. During their
meeting, the Foreign Minister thanked Dr. Tekeda for Ethiopia’s
assistance in contributing to the successful conduct of the recent
elections in Somaliland. Dr. Tekeda gave credit to the people of
Somaliland, to President Silanyo, and to outgoing president Riyale,
for the peaceful conduct of the elections and for the subsequent
smooth transfer of power. The need to ensure continuity was
emphasized and the two officials discussed in detail the challenges
facing the new government in Hargeisa, both in terms of economic
interests and from extremist radical groups bent on undermining the
peace and stability of Somaliland. There was agreement on the need
to strengthen existing collaboration to deal with these challenges,
and Dr. Tekeda reiterated the readiness of the Ethiopian government
to work together with the government of Somaliland to ensure peace
and stability in Somaliland. He noted the long and intimate
relationship that the new President, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud
‘Silanyo’ has had with Ethiopia during the struggle against Siad
Barre, and during his time in opposition in Somaliland until he had
achieved victory in the recent and successfully democratic election.
He assured Minister Mohamed Abdullahi that this relationship would
continue in the future. Dr. Tekeda wished the new minister and the
Government of Somaliland every success in all their endeavors.
Meanwhile, Somaliland’s former president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, was
also in Addis Ababa this week. He met with President Girma
Woldegiorghis and Prime Minister Meles to thank them for Ethiopia’s
support for Somaliland during his tenure as president.
*****************
top |
|
A US Senator Visits
Ethiopia
US Senator Mrs. Mary
Landrieu (Democrat, Louisiana) visited Ethiopia from 1st
to 4th September. During her stay in Ethiopia Senator
Landrieu held discussions with President Girma Woldegiorgis, and
with Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin. Senator Landrieu was
accompanied by Ambassador Susan Jacobs, Special Advisor on
Children’s Issues to Secretary of State Clinton, and by Gary Newton,
from USAID and a Special Advisor for Orphans and Vulnerable
Children, as well as a group of American business leaders, and
representatives of Buckner International, a civil society
organization. During her discussions with President Girma, Senator
Landrieu commended the Ethiopian Government for its policies
relating to expansion of social services including the provision of
schools, child care and health facilities. She also expressed her
appreciation to the President for his active role in civil society
organizations involved in promotion of child rights and the
protection of environment. It was her first visit to Ethiopia and
Senator Landrieu said she had been impressed by the dedication of
all those committed to assisting children. She also said that she
was encouraged by the business and economic activities that she and
her delegation had seen both in Addis Ababa and outside the city.
Senator Landrieu visited a Bruckner Community Transformation Center
and Child Assessment Center, and also a Bruckner Bright Hope school
at Bantu, 60 kilometers west of Addis Ababa in the Oromiya Region.
During her visit, the Senator met with representatives of some
thirty organizations dealing with child services, visited a number
of historical sites in Addis Ababa and attended a banquet hosted by
President Girma. She also attended a dinner hosted by Foreign
Minister Seyoum and exchanged
views on bilateral and regional issues of common interest. In
addition to her role and interests in children's rights and welfare
in the U.S Senate, Senator Mary Landrieu is the Chair of the Senate
Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, as well as a
member of the Appropriations, the Homeland Security and Government,
and the Energy and Natural Resources Committees.
*****************
top |
|
Core Principles of
Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy: Ethiopia-United Kingdom relations
One of the many
results of the new Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy of
Ethiopia is that it has created a predictably solid basis on which
the country’s foreign relations are based. Clearly spelling out the
main challenges that the country faces, the Policy indicates the
major areas of focus for the diplomatic activities of the government
of Ethiopia. These diplomatic priorities have been clearly redefined
on the basis of fundamental principles. It has meant that even the
most historic of relations with countries that Ethiopia had enjoyed
for more than a century are now anchored on a more sustainable
basis. Indeed, by clearly designating poverty as the country’s most
formidable enemy and making the fight against it a priority, the
policy has gone a long way in providing a much more solid foundation
for Ethiopia’s relations with the rest of the world, whether
bilaterally or multilaterally.
Ethiopia’s
relationship with the United Kingdom is one that has seen both
qualitative and quantitative improvement since the adoption of the
country’s Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy. Ethiopia
has had historic relations with the United Kingdom for centuries.
The two countries have had rich diplomatic relations in the past
covering a range of areas, including, but not limited to, trade,
culture, education and development cooperation. In fact, Great
Britain is among the first few countries to open an embassy in Addis
Ababa well over a century ago. Ethiopians, of course, will never
forget the role that British forces played in Ethiopia’s fight
against fascism during the Second World War and the sacrifices they
made in support of Ethiopia’s independence despite the major
complications with respect to ensuring Ethiopia’s full and complete
independence after 1941. Moreover, both countries went a long way
towards putting differences behind them and working resolutely
towards creating mutually rewarding diplomatic relations. This was
strained after the fall of the last Emperor and faced a lot of
challenges during the military regime, challenges that lasted until
the coming to power of the EPRDF. Ethiopia’s relationship with the
UK today is among the most dependable, mature and mutually
beneficial of any that it has with other countries.
The two countries
have a lot of issues of common concern, forming a sound basis for
relations at bilateral, regional and global levels. At a regional
level, both countries want to see a stable and secure environment in
the Horn of Africa. Both are keenly aware of the importance of
working together to ensure peace and stability in the region in
general and in Somalia in particular. Their partnership for peace in
Somaliland, formerly British Somaliland, and the political and
economic development there have been particularly significant. Both
countries see the significance of the example that Somaliland can
provide for a democratic, stable and peaceful Somalia, and even more
widely.
On the global level,
both countries have found common interest in issues ranging from
meeting Millennium Development Goals to the campaign to check the
deleterious effects of climate change. The leaders of both countries
have been active in various global forums dealing with these issues.
This has been particularly true of their partnership and cooperation
in such global forums as the G8 and G20. This has created more
opportunities for cooperation among developed countries on one hand
and developing nations, more particularly African states, on the
other. There is every reason to believe that these relations will
continue. We would certainly hope so.
Equally, and more
importantly, on a bilateral level their partnership has led to
effective development cooperation that has shown increased expansion
over the last decade and half. Great Britain is one of the most
dependable partners in Ethiopia’s fight against poverty as its
expanding development support has clearly indicated. Ethiopia today
is the second largest recipient of the UK’s development support next
to India. And out of the total development aid that Ethiopia
receives from the UK, nearly 80 per cent goes to the provision of
social services such as education and healthcare and other direct
development-related activities. This should indeed be used as an
example by others.
Successive
governments in the UK have demonstrated a conviction that their
development cooperation must bring about clear transformation in the
lives of beneficiaries. The UK Development Cooperation Ministry uses
what it calls the “Value for Money” standard to determine whether
such correlation exists between support provided and outcomes
registered in the recipient country. Ethiopia’s pro-poor policies
over the years have demonstrated that this is indeed the case. As a
clear indication of the extent to which Ethiopia’s pro-poor policies
are in fact paying dividends, the newly elected Conservative
government has made it clear that it will continue to work with the
Ethiopian government in the various areas in which its predecessors
have been working.
As the visit last
week by UK International Development Cooperation Minister, Andrew
Mitchell, showed, bilateral cooperation between the UK and Ethiopia
is producing encouraging progress. Further cooperation is set to
continue on an even firmer basis. As the Minister himself indicated,
the UK’s development cooperation with Ethiopia will continue to
grow, despite the current financial crisis facing the UK, simply
because Ethiopia’s pro-poor policies are proving that they work.
This is a testament to the efficacy of the right mix of policies
that the government of Ethiopia has put in place following its
prioritization of poverty as the country’s number one enemy.
Equally, on a more fundamental level, the relationship between
Ethiopia and the UK is an excellent example of the level of maturity
that any such relationship can attain if it is based on clearly
spelt out and mutually beneficial principles. It isn’t likely to
face the kind of turbulence that can characterize relationships
after a change of government. It is, after all, based on verifiable
grounds including Ethiopia’s proper utilization of UK development
aid. Equally important, both countries share a common vision of the
kind of well-ordered global society that can ensure social justice
and eradicate poverty through the expansion of social services. This
is exactly where relations between Ethiopia and the United Kingdom
are paying off; and as Minister Mitchell indicated during his recent
visit, there is every reason to believe that this will continue to
be the case.
*****************
top |
|
Best
wishes for a peaceful and constructive New Year
A New Year, whether
2003 as here in Ethiopia tomorrow, on Saturday September 11th,(or
for 2011 in four months time for others) provides an opportunity for
individuals, organizations, administrations, even governments to
make resolutions. It is appropriate that the Ministry of Finance and
Economic Development has been sharing its discussion paper providing
an overview of what has been achieved during the last five years in
Ethiopia under the Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to
End Poverty (PASDEP), and of the next five year plan to cover
2003-2007 (2010-2015), the National Growth and Transformation Plan.
The NGTP has the target of doubling the economy in the next five
years, of stabilizing Ethiopia’s macro-economic status, and giving
industry a leading role in the economy. Agricultural production
overall is to be doubled and the annual income generated from
agricultural exports increased threefold. Last week’s devaluation of
the birr will help achieve this. The main objective is to enhance
the country’s competitiveness in international markets. It can also
be expected to increase the capacity of local industries and the
amount of remittances from abroad.
It is an ambitious
plan, as the Prime Minister has admitted, but we believe with hard
work and the help of our partners we will be able to achieve this,
building on our continuing priority the eradication of poverty, on
the basis of sustainable development, good governance, democracy and
respect for human rights. In the last seven years Ethiopia has
registered double-digit growth, in pursuit of the target to get rid
of poverty once and for all. The bulk of annual expenditure goes on
health, education, and infrastructure. It will continue to do so.
Ethiopia is one of two countries in Africa that are currently on
track to achieve 6 out of 7 Millennium Development Goals according
to the Africa Economic Outlook 2010, issued by the OECD, ECA and ADB.
We would like to
wish all the readers of ‘A Week in the Horn’ a peaceful,
constructive and above all a successful New Year – Melkam
Addis Amet. |
|
*****************
top |
|
|
|
