|
-
Somalia:
the status quo prevails, but the need for more support remains
A "violent stalemate" continues to prevail in
Somalia with reports of further attacks against AMISOM in Mogadishu
at the end of the week, though the latest round of fighting
has not fundamentally altered the status quo on the ground.
Both elements of the extremist opposition, Al-Shabaab, and Hizbul
Islam which has been weakened by its loss of Kismayo to Al-Shabaab,
continue to pursue their efforts to overthrow the Transitional
Federal Government (TFG) through violent means. Their pronouncements
and actions are indistinguishable. Both share the same ideological
veneer and the same objective of spreading terror in Somalia
and beyond. As we have previously noted, the violent fall-out
between Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam over the control of Kismayo
and its resources cannot be construed as the result of any differences
in ideology or over the methods to be deployed to advance their
objective. It is no more than a dispute over control of the
resources available in Kismayo. It would be a misguided and
dangerous assumption to suggest that this indicates any political
accommodation might be possible with Hizbul Islam. The connection
of the leaders of Hizbul Islam, in particular Sheikh Hassan
Dahir 'Aweys' and Sheikh Hassan 'Turki', to the Al Qaeda network
is well established. Their unashamed use of violence against
both civilians and AMISOM is well known. The latest suicide
car attacks against AMISOM in September, which resulted in the
deaths of 21 peacekeepers, may have been carried out by Al-Shabaab
but it was immediately supported and praised by Hizbul Islam
and by Sheikh 'Aweys', who promptly called for more of the same.
This
is why the current requirement for the international community
is to provide the necessary support to the TFG, to take decisive
action against those attempting 'spoiling' tactics and their
backers, notably Eritrea, and to refrain from engaging in misguided,
and ultimately dangerous, overtures towards these hardened terrorists.
The need to provide more support to the TFG was recognised this
week by the UN Under-Secretary General for Political Affairs,
Lynn Pascoe, in a news conference given this week in New York
following his return from a visit to the region. Mr. Pascoe
said that in the months ahead he would be asking for more money
and assistance which, he said, the TFG clearly needed to provide
both security and social services. He also indicated that without
aid and the assistance for real development it would be hard
for the TFG to demonstrate its activity. However, he said the
situation was certainly encouraging compared to assumptions
only a few months earlier when everyone was making dire predictions
about the immediate fall of the TFG. “The fact is that
the strategy is in place and it is moving forward; you can see
the direction we're heading and that is somewhat encouraging”.
The Under Secretary General might be a little bit over optimistic
given the lack of sufficient and effective response by the international
community to the treat posed by the extremist groups.
Of
course in principle Mr. Pascoe's statements reiterate what we
have repeated time and again here in the Week in the Horn. Al-Shabaab
and Hizbul Islam do not have popular support on the ground.
They only appear strong because the international community
has failed to provide the necessary support to the TFG and because
it is not moving fast enough over the necessary decisive action
against the 'spoilers' in Somalia, and their backers. The way
forward to establish a lasting peace in Somalia is very clear.
The international community must step up its efforts to provide
support and assistance to the TFG. It should at the same time,
in line with the decisions of the AU and IGAD, take action against
all those attempting to overthrow the TFG and their international
backers, especially those in the region.
The
dangers implicit in the failure to act has now been underlined
by the further threats from Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam. Hizbul
Islam has threatened further attacks on AMISOM forces in Mogadishu.
Al-Shabaab has said it will extend its terrorist activities
outside Somalia. Al-Shabaab, which has admitted links with Al
Qaeda, has now said it will launch attacks in Kampala and Bujumbura.
Uganda and Burundi each have some 2,500 peacekeepers in the
AU's AMISOM force in Mogadishu. Al-Shabaab has also threatened
to attack Kenya and Djibouti following their offer of training
to TFG soldiers and police.
Meanwhile,
TFG Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke has been in London
this week where he met the UK's Foreign Secretary, David Miliband,
and spoke at the Royal Institute of International Affairs at
Chatham House. The Foreign Secretary reaffirmed the UK's commitment
to the TFG's efforts to bring peace and stability to Somalia,
and welcomed the Prime Minister's focus on the political process,
on reconciliation and on recovery. He emphasized that instability
in Somalia was a threat to regional peace and security. Speaking
at Chatham House the following day, Prime Minister Sharmarke
made clear that Al-Shabaab was a threat to the peace and stability
in Somalia, but it was not invincible even though it was strong
and was linked to Al Qaeda. Al Qaeda was, he said, in Somalia
training and planning for Al-Shabaab. It was an ideal place
for it to regroup and redeploy. “A radical insurgency
with links to Al Qaeda is presenting a real threat to the state
of Somalia and they are starting to spread regionally in the
Horn of Africa”. He compared Al-Shabaab to the Taliban
and in answering questions identified Eritrea as a major supporter
of Al-Shabaab. He stresses that insurgency needed chaos, discontent
and poverty, adding “we must take that away”. Prime
Minister Sharmake said that commerce and reconstruction could
lead people out of extremism, and that a healthy fishing industry
could similarly take people away from piracy, adding that dealing
with piracy also required the international community to stop
illegal fishing of the Somali coasts. Above all, he emphasized,
it was important for the international community to take action:
“the time to act is now. Each day we do nothing, the insurgency
grows stronger”.
********
top |
-
Somaliland:
a beacon of hope
There was more positive news coming out of Somaliland this
week. It is to be recalled that a short while ago, the political
situation in Somaliland was a source of great concern. There
was a real possibility for Somaliland to loose the stability
and peace that it has managed to maintain for the last decade
and a half. These would have been tragic and unfortunate and
out of character for Somaliland political elites. It is to be
recalled also that previously Somaliland politicians had demonstrated
great wisdom and skill to avoid political crisis. For instance,
the last Presidential election which was won by President Riyale
could easily have led to serious conflict between the major
political parities because the margin of victory by the ruling
party was only 80 votes. Nonetheless this did not lead to violence
or political instability in Somaliland. This time in the run-up
to the next presidential contest, sharp disagreements emerged
between the ruling party and the two opposition parties, in
particular over matters surrounding the system of voter registration
and the extension of the presidential term until election is
held. After protracted negotiations, and with the support of
Ethiopia and the United Kingdom both of which sent delegations
to Hargeisa, the three parties finally signed an agreement resolving
most of the outstanding issue. Now they have also managed to
nominate new members to the electoral commission and this have
been approved by the parliament. This paves the way for the
holding of successful elections shortly. This latest development
can be seen as a demonstration of the common sense of Somaliland's
political class, showing their willingness to put the interests
of Somaliland first. It also underlines the value of addressing
any problem that may arise through dialogue and discussion.
The point was emphasized by the fact that yesterday (October
29, 2009) was the anniversary of the three Al-Shabaab suicide
car bombs which exploded in Hargeisa a year ago, leaving 24
dead and over 30 injured at the UNDP office, the Ethiopian Trade
Office and the Presidential Palace.
*****
top |
-
Eritrea “exports chaos” says Djibouti; the
Security Council is yet to act
Djibouti has once more expressed its concern over the activities
of Eritrea along their common border. Djibouti's Foreign Minister,
Mahmoud Ali Youssef, was in Cairo this week meeting the Secretary-General
of the Arab League, Amr Moussa. Their discussions focused on
Eritrea's threat to Djibouti territory, and on developments
in Somalia and Yemen. Foreign Minister Mahmoud said that Eritrea
was exporting chaos, adding: “Exporting chaos has become
routine in Eritrea.” Referring to a recent upsurge in
claims by exiled Djibouti opposition he said “Eritrea
has started training militias and arming them to carry out sabotage
in Djibouti, just as [it supports] elements in the Ogaden region
of Ethiopia”. Foreign Minister Mahmoud also noted that
Eritrea is supporting Al-Shabaab extremists in Somalia.
Djibouti
is not alone in being concerned by the failure of the UN to
take action to resolve the situation along the Djibouti/Eritrean
border, or over Eritrea's activities. Indeed, Africa is still
waiting for the Security Council to take the action promised
by Resolution 1862 or to respond to the requests by IGAD and
the AU for action over Eritrea's well-known “spoiling”
activities in Somalia. Eritrea has consistently ignored UN Security
Council resolution 1862 in January this year demanding the immediate
withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Djibouti territory. It has
repeatedly refused or rebuffed all efforts at mediation or investigation
as Djibouti's Permanent Representative to the UN recently reminded
the Security Council. Eritrea has even claimed it has no crisis
with Djibouti, no troops across the border and that the whole
issue had been fabricated by the CIA. Not surprisingly, Djibouti's
Ambassador Roble Olhaye has described Eritrean statements as
“hogwash”.
Eritrea
has taken a similar position over Somalia continuing to ignore
any UN or AU criticisms of its support for Al-Shabaab. President
Issayas' position was made clear in a press statement in July:
“In regard to Eritrea's political position on Somalia,
Eritrea has been criticized for not falling into line with the
“international consensus”. But Eritrea has a right
to hold an independent position, even a dissenting one.”
He has extended this by actively working to sabotage the international
community's consensus on Somalia, and in a recent interview
with Reuters President Issayas not only denied any Eritrean
responsibility for events in Somalia, he even tried to blame
Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia for fanning the chaos in Somalia.
This is despite the fact he is the only person who has provided
open support for the extremist opposition forces in Somalia.
Of
course, this is the rationale for the appeal made by IGAD and
by the AU Summit at Sirte, Lybia, to the Security Council to
impose sanction on Eritrea. This is yet to be carried out; it
is in fact not clear whether the council would take such an
action which is so critical for peace and stability, not only
in Somalia but also in the entire Horn of Africa region. There
are apparently some who are inclined to confuse the issue with
respect to the danger that Eritrea’s behavior represents
to the Horn of Africa. This sometimes takes the form of trying
to seek ways of appeasing Eritrea by introducing issues that
are totally irrelevant when matters pertaining to the sanction
issue are discussed. One hopes that such unhelpful initiatives
would be put aside and the legitimate request to the Security
Council by IGAD and the AU would be carried out. Eritrea at
present does not have specific problems with specific countries.
Its problems are virtually with all countries of the region,
proving the fact that Eritrea appears to believe its interest
lies in encouraging disorder and chaos. The only way Eritrea
might be encouraged to behave in conformity with civilized behavior
is when it is confronted with the reality that the consequences
of misbehavior are costly.
In
the meantime, an IGAD Ministerial Meeting to discuss Sudan's
Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), and more specifically intending
to look at ways and means to strengthen mutual confidence between
the two parties, the National Congress Party and the SPLM, was
rescheduled for mid November to take place on the fringes of
an IGAD meeting in Djibouti.
*****
top
|
-
African Union Peace and Security Council held a Summit meeting
in Abuja, Nigeria
The
Peace and Security Council of the African Union held its 207th
meeting at the level of Heads of State and Government level,
in Abuja, Nigeria on 29 October 2009. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi
led the Ethiopian delegation to the Summit.
The
main agenda of the Council was consideration of the Report of
the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD). The Summit
was held under the Chairmanship of Mr. Umaru Yar'aduwa, current
Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council and President
of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Former
President of South Africa, Mr. Thabo Mbeki, Chairperson of the
AUPD, introduced the report of the Panel, entitled, " Darfur:
the Quest for Peace, Justice and Reconciliation". It is
to be recalled that the Peace and Security Council, in its 142nd
meeting, held on 21 July 2008, had requested the Chairperson
of the African Union Commission to establish an independent
High Level Panel to examine the situation in Darfur in depth
and submit recommendations to Council on how best the issue
of accountability and combating impunity, on the one hand, and
reconciliation and healing, on the other, could be effectively
and comprehensively addressed, including through the establishment
of truth and/or reconciliation Commissions with the active involvement
of the African Union and its relevant institutions and, as necessary,
the support of the larger international community.
In
his introductory statement Mr. Mbeki highlighted the numerous
consultations held with all stakeholders, points where there
is agreement by all stakeholders, the salient features of the
recommendation of the report and follow-up and implementation
mechanism.
During
the debate following the introduction of the report, Council
members expressed their appreciation over the quality of the
report. It was highlighted that the report presented a comprehensive
solution to the "crisis of the Sudan as manifested in Darfur".
In particular, its integrated approach in addressing peace,
justice and reconciliation in Darfur as a way to bringing sustainable
peace and development, was highly commended. Council stressed
that the Panel's methodology of broad consultation with all
stakeholders, in the field, over an extended period of time
and its clear definition of the problem made the Panel's report
exemplary and worth emulating in addressing other conflict situations
in the Continent. It was also underscored that the Report will
serve as a guide for engagements that Africa will have undertake
with the international community in dealing with the situation
in Darfur.
It
is in light of this, that the Council, in its Communique, endorsed
the report and its recommendations. The Council, congratulated
the Chairperson of the AUPD and the other members of the Panel.
It also expressed appreciation for the cooperation extended
to the Panel by the Government of the Sudan, opposition political
parties, armed opposition movements, IDPs, pastoralists and
the Darfurian civil society, and other Sudanese parties, as
well as international stakeholders.
The
Council reaffirmed the commitment of the AU to combat impunity,
in line with the relevant provisions of the AU Constitutive
Act, and strongly condemnd the violations of human rights in
Darfur. At the same time, Council urged, once again, the UN
Security Council to heed the AU's call for the deferral of the
process initiated by the International Criminal Court against
President Omar Hassan Al Bashir, in the interest of peace, justice
and reconciliation.
The
Council also stressed the need to create inclusive and conducive
conditions for the successful holding in Darfur, as well as
in the rest of the country, of the April 2010 national elections
provided for by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and to ensure
that Darfur fully participates in the national debate arising
from the 2011 self-determination referendum in Southern Sudan.
Furthermore,
the Council expressed its conviction that the achievement of
lasting peace and reconciliation in Darfur requires that the
Sudanese stakeholders take full ownership of the process and
that, given the necessary support, the people of Sudan will
be able to bring to an end the conflict in Darfur in an inclusive,
peaceful and expeditious manner. Taking this fact into account,
the Council stressed that the international community needs
to play a supportive role, based on a proper understanding of
the causes and consequences of the conflict in Darfur.
The
Council requested the Chairperson of the Commission to immediately
take the necessary steps to enhance its capacity to support
the implementation of the recommendations of the AUPD, including
the establishment of an appropriate unit within the AU.
The
Council also requested the Chairperson of the Commission to
establish an AU High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), comprising
of former Presidents Thabo Mbeki, Pierre Buyoya, and General
Abdusalamli Abubakar, to assist in the implementation of all
aspects of the AUPD recommendations, as well as to assist the
Sudanese parties in the implementation of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement.
The Council further requested
the Chairperson of the Commission to submit quarterly reports
on the implementation of the AUPD recommendations, and requested
all AU Member States and partners to support fully the implementation
of the recommendations of the AUPD.
*****
top |
-
An
AU Special Summit on Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced
Persons
The
African Union Heads of State and Government held a Special Summit
on Tuesday last week, October 20th, in Kampala. The subject
was refugees, returnees and internally displaced persons and
the theme of the Summit was "African Union Addressing the
Challenge of Forced Displacement in Africa". The Summit
was preceded by an Extraordinary Session of the Executive Council
(composed of the AU Ministers of Foreign Affairs) which met
on the previous day. Africa hosts the largest number of refugees
and internally displaced persons in the world and according
to UN figures there are over 10 million internally displaced
people in East and Central Africa. There was considerable anticipation
about the results of the Special Summit, and it was indeed,
by all accounts, a resounding success. It was crowned by the
adoption of the landmark, first ever, Convention for the Protection
and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa.
The
Special Summit was a culmination of a long process, preceded
by the holding of various meetings of experts and ministers
in charge of the issue of forced displacement. The ministers
met in Addis Ababa in November last year and recommended the
adoption of a Declaration on Refugees, Returnees and Internally
Displaced Persons and the adoption of a ground-breaking Convention
for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons
in Africa. The Declaration outlines the root causes of forced
displacement, that is conflict and poverty, and reiterates the
commitment of Member States to work with all relevant stakeholders
to prevent forced displacement and if and when displacement
occurs, to provide effective protection and assistance to victims
of forced displacement.
A
very significant element of the Convention is that climate-change
migrants are given recognition for the first time. This is particularly
important as overall the numbers of people displaced by conflict
appears to be falling while those affected by climate is rising
fast. The International Organization for Migration believes
that most of the 200 million migrants it expects to result from
climate change will be found in Africa. The UN has also said
that as many as 700,000 people in Africa may have been displaced
by climate change last year.
The
Convention provides legally binding obligations on states. They
have the primary responsibility to prevent internal forced displacement
and to ensure effective protection and assistance to victims
of forced displacement. In addition, the Convention imposes
on non-State actors the obligation to protect and assist internally
displaced persons in situations of armed conflicts. It also
enumerates the obligations of international organizations and
humanitarian agencies. These must discharge their tasks in conformity
with international law and the laws of the country in which
they operate.
During
the debate on the Convention, some countries suggested that
providing for the obligations of armed groups was tantamount
to recognizing such organizations or giving them legal status.
Indeed, Article 7 of the Convention was re-drafted in order
to alleviate any fears in this respect and make sure the objectives
of the Convention could not, in any way whatever, be construed
as affording legal status, legitimization or recognition of
armed groups.
At
the conclusion of the Special Summit, the opportunity was given
to member states to sign the Convention immediately. Seventeen,
including Ethiopia, did so, a testimony to the impressive progress
the African Union is making in collectively addressing the continent's
most important issues. Ethiopia has made it clear it will make
every effort to ensure effective implementation of the Convention
and its provisions in domestic law. To become a binding document,
the Convention now has to be ratified by fifteen of the AU's
53 member states. As the AU's Commissioner for Political Affairs
noted the most important next step was implementation: “we
need to move from intention to action”.
*****
top |
-
The
International Conference of Ethiopian Studies starts on Monday
The
Seventeenth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (ICES)
opens in Addis Ababa on Monday, November 2nd. It is the Golden
Jubilee of the ICES – the first conference was held in
Rome in 1959 when a mere thirty three scholars presented papers.
Since then conferences have been held in countries all round
the world, including the United Kingdom, France, Sweden, Russia,
the United States, Israel, Japan and Norway. Ethiopia previously
hosted the third, eighth, eleventh and fourteenth meetings at
the Addis Ababa University. This year's conference is being
held at the University's Akaki campus just outside Addis Ababa.
Numbers of those attending now run into hundreds, a majority
of them Ethiopians. The number of institutions involved, the
areas studied, and the involvement of different disciplines
have shown equal growth. The conference is now the main regular
meeting place for Ethiopian scholarship, providing an invaluable
forum for young scholars to report their progress, to meet scholars
from around the world, and to network.
ICES
meetings always demonstrate an impressive diversity in their
scope and scholarship. At one level they are intended to provide
research workers with the opportunity to take stock of developments
across the whole field of Ethiopian scholarship: in the humanities,
in art, literature, philosophy and religion, in history, archaeology,
linguistics and philology, political science, economics, international
relations, anthropology and sociology, in education, human resources,
gender, the environment and development, and food and production
systems. On another level, they outline the directions in which
research and scholarship in Ethiopian studies are moving.
There
have been parallel advances in the development of the Institute
of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University. Set up four
years after the first ICES, it has become a major centre for
research and is one of the most highly respected institutions
in Africa. It has a major collection of manuscripts, an impressive
microfilm library, a photographic archive, art galleries and
an ethnographic museum. It has almost been too successful as
it now needs new premises. The Society of Friends of the Institute
has launched an initiative to build a new library which would
also provide for an enlarged museum and help preserve Ethiopia's
unique and impressive cultural heritage, for the people of Ethiopia
and for Africa. Foreign Minister Seyoum is scheduled to deliver
the opening speech for the conference on Monday.
*****
top |
-
A
narration of Ethiopia’s performance: parameters and objectives
In
the last few months there have been an unusual flood of reports
and assessments covering Ethiopia’s performance in different
fields. Some of these have been global reports that normally
just cover Ethiopia as one of a number of countries included
in that particular area. Others are more specific to Ethiopia
and may relate to a particular subject. In some cases they have
been compounded by concern over the effects of drought on food
security and have emphasized the coincidence of the 25th anniversary
of the appalling famine of 1984. Ethiopian institutions, governmental
and non-governmental alike, have also produced reports and assessments
covering various subjects. The overwhelming majority of these
are necessary to take stock of developments in the period under
review and help in planning future actions. Some indeed are
directly submitted to the House of Peoples’ Representatives
which has an oversight function of government to ensure accountability
of the executive organs of government. It is a job the House
of Peoples' Representatives take very seriously.
The
Government itself relies on such periodic, objective and transparent
reports to measure performance in all fields of public activity.
Additional targeted assessments are also produced by other mandated
bodies. The Constitution, of course, is the main parameter of
achievement for all involved bodies, but there are also policy
instruments with specific measurable targets and objectives,
laws at local and national level, various different criteria
and measurements factored into plans and budgetary allocations.
Extensive internal and public discussions are held in each and
every sector to measure progress made and review the challenges
encountered. Published documents of these assessments provide
a more accurate account of development. There have at times
been problems in the reporting and, inevitably, variations on
estimated results in economic and other areas arising from external
shocks or other unforeseen events, but these do not detract
from the usefulness or the overall credibility of these national
assessments.
The
constant reporting and public accountability now taking place
in Ethiopia in every aspect of Government performance is unprecedented
in the history of the country. Discussions in neighbourhood
associations and in public institutions are now conducted without
inhibition or self-censorship. The level of open scrutiny and
critical evaluation of Government measures compares very favourably
with many countries which pride themselves on the maturity of
their political system and openness of their society. It's a
process of transparent and objective evaluation which has set
in motion an irreversible transformation of public institutions
into accountable and accessible centres of public service. The
ongoing effort to enhance the capacity of public bodies and
re-engineer their work processes, ranging from top management
down to rank and file employees, the re-structuring efforts
and the ongoing changes in the overall ethos of public service
has already shown immense potential in radically improving the
quality of service delivery in key institutions, and in their
planning and reporting activities.
One
notable effect of these assessments and the continued work to
improve the performance of Government bodies has been the enhancement
of the accuracy of reporting on developments in Ethiopia. The
aim is to produce an objective narrative as part and parcel
of the developmental effort. Ethiopia has been putting in place
institutions and mechanisms capable of undertaking scientific
forecasts, effective planning, performance evaluation and measures
of adaptation, self-correction and implementation. As a developing
country there is certainly much room for continued improvement
in all these areas. It's all being assisted by the numerous
non-governmental bodies involved in similar complimentary activities.
Most non-governmental actors, humanitarian and developmental
entities, think-tanks, research centres and professional associations
normally produce reports that relate to their specific interests.
These are useful as inputs in the overall national efforts.
At the same time, such reporting processes can easily be hijacked
by third parties with an aim of advancing specific narrow political
objectives. Similarly, media outlets provide accounts of developments,
and they can be an important source of facts and objective analysis.
Equally, it is not uncommon to see some outlets apparently bent
on undermining the Government, using, and abusing, the writings
of well-known researchers just to try to give their attacks
some credibility. It's nothing to do with any contribution to
the national discourse, but is intended merely to publicise
narrow and short-sighted political statements. Less sophisticated
efforts include virulent attacks based on hearsay and non-existent
anonymous witnesses. None inspire confidence.
As
with most developing countries, Ethiopia also gets covered extensively
by reports issued from regional and international bodies. These
are developed according to the voluntary requirements of member
countries or as part of agreed overall trend assessments. Among
these mechanisms, one particularly worth mentioning is the African
Peer Review System (ARPS). This is the flagship program of the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) with
the clear objective of fostering political stability, high economic
growth, sustainable development and accelerated regional integration
of Africa. It uses a process of voluntary national self assessment
and regional assessment to gauge the performance of participating
countries in establishing democracy and good governance. It’s
a process that guarantees national involvement and a more balanced
and objective regional assessment. The yardstick of measurement
is the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate
Governance and the various international and regional instruments
adhered to by the country. These provide an objective basis
for the assessment. It may be possible to improve such a participatory
process but the objective is already unambiguous: to assist
the country under review in undertaking an objective self-evaluation,
to conduct a frank peer discussion to identify weaknesses that
require improvements and capacity building. The APRS is, of
course, a sui generis system that would be hard to duplicate
in other areas, but its merits are certainly transferable to
other systems. This is not to minimize the credibility of other
systems that rely on certain specific indicators to arrive at
their conclusions but merely to note that others might benefit
from clarity about the objective of such reports.
It
must be said that some reports specifically referring to Ethiopia,
or which mention Ethiopia as one of the countries under review,
have been found wanting. Ethiopian Government sources have often
tried to draw attention to these shortcomings, identifying errors
of fact and in figures dealing with human rights, economic growth,
the need for food aid, statistics on education, health care
or other areas. The Government has frequently made the point
that reportage on Ethiopia would benefit from reports produced
by government bodies in their own assessments. These would at
least provide some clarity and accuracy of factual information
and help avoid the most egregious errors. Many indeed, including
international and regional financial and development organizations,
have used government sources to produce a more balanced text
or even accurate criticism of government policies.
Some
such bodies, however, have arrogated to themselves the right
to condemn Governments even though their own work is based on
flawed analysis and biased reporting. Others, busy portraying
doomsday scenarios, even deserve perhaps to be called ‘conflict
entrepreneurs’. It's not uncommon to ridicule reports
prepared by government bodies no matter how useful they might
be. Responses from Ethiopian Government sources, including The
Week in the Horn, are characterized as 'angry responses' or
'defensive replies'. In fact, the Government's interest is to
correct mistakes, intentional or otherwise, to tarnish Ethiopia’s
image or project unbalanced and biased account from whatever
source. Government source material is, of course, a valuable,
indeed a necessary, source of information. By any standards
it is quite clear that any analysis will be more effective if
evaluation of government material is included. Without it, any
reports remain fundamentally flawed and, in practical terms,
irrelevant. Certainly, we must admit, in the long term, the
onus is also on Ethiopia to disseminate periodic reports more
widely and make sure that relevant assessments are made available.
This is not always an easy process even though presenting credible
and objective reports has much to do with sustaining the country's
ongoing progress. It requires successfully resisting efforts
to derail its progress and advancement but it also involves
the process of changing perceptions of the narrative of Ethiopia's
future. In fact, Ethiopia is on the move in many open and transparent
ways, and most importantly these cannot be hidden from the public.
They are the ultimate judge of failure or progress.
*****
top |
|
