|
|
The AU's Peace and
Security Council and the UN Security Council Consider Somalia's
Tragic Paradox
The Somali
problem continues unabated. The setback to Al-Shabaab during its
Ramadan offensive created opportunities for the TFG to expand its
areas of control in Mogadishu and surrounding areas. Al-Shabaab was
forced to pull out of various parts of the capital, but this did not
prevent it losing ground in Belet Weyn and its surrounding areas, as
well as in the central region of Galgudud. Its forces were also
ambushed twice on the road to El-buur this week and suffered heavy
losses at the hands of local people. These setbacks have led to the
foreign terrorists putting pressure on Al-Shabaab's divided
leadership. Muktar Robow Abu Mansoor and Abdi Godane Abu Zubeyer
have been told to sort out their differences or be fired.
Progress on the military front is no substitute for what the TFG
should be doing politically. Time and again, when there is progress
on the ground in Somalia, the leadership falters and fails to take
the opportunity to make real progress in building institutions of
governance and to consolidate peace. Now is the time for the TFG to
put its house in order, to concentrate on priority activities to
create a suitable situation for implementing the remaining
transitional tasks. Dissension within the TFIs must stop. The TFG
now has the chance to show leadership in moving the peace process
forward and consolidating its gains. As the IGAD Council and the AU
Summit have reiterated, the Djibouti Peace Process remains the sole
basis for achieving peace and reconciliation for Somalia. The IGAD
Council called on the TFG to redouble its efforts to bring on board
all those forces that reject violence. It also called on the
leadership of Somalia to demonstrate its commitment to the people of
Somalia in a concrete way.
These points were emphasized by the AU's Commissioner for Peace and
Security, Ramtane Lamamra, when he addressed the Peace and Security
Council's 245th meeting on Friday last week, delivering a report on
developments in Somalia over the last months. Commissioner Lamamra
itemized a number of positive political developments including the
budget prepared by the TFG, the collection of revenues from the port
and airport and the reopening of Radio Mogadishu. But he also noted
that the political process had been challenged by recurrent
wrangling in the TFIs, and the disagreements between the President
and the Prime Minister who had resigned on 21st September. He
mentioned the "disturbing development" of the withdrawal of Ahlu
Sunna Wal Jama'a from its partnership with the TFG. He emphasized
these problems were of particular concern since the transition
period was due to end on 20th August next year. The Commissioner
noted the results of the Mini-Summit on Somalia in New York
(September 23rd), and of the International Contact Group's meeting
in Madrid (September 28th), and stressed that the gains in the
political and security areas could only be sustained if they were
supported by the necessary reconstruction efforts to ensure
long-term stability. At the request of the AU Summit in Kampala the
Commissioner had appointed Jerry Rawlings, former President of
Ghana, as the AU High Representative for Somalia, to mobilize
increased support for efforts to promote peace and reconciliation in
Somalia and generate greater attention from the international
community.
Following the decision of the IGAD Chiefs of Defense Staffs in July
to adopt an action plan for increased troops, the AU Kampala Summit
called for AMISOM's strength to be lifted to 20,000 troops. The
Commission had initiated broad-based consultations to develop a
revised Concept of Operations for AMISOM, allowing for an additional
12,000 troops with the requisite air and maritime capabilities.
Initially, the objective would be to insert 4,000 additional troops
in Mogadishu to consolidate the TFG's authority there. In the second
phase, steps would be taken to expand gradually into other areas of
central and south Somalia. The Commissioner stressed the need for
other Member States assist and not leave everything to Uganda and
Burundi. He also noted that it was imperative for the Security
Council to broaden the scope of the UN support package to AMISOM. He
believed there should be real operational cooperation between AMISOM
and other groups-the resources mobilized to combat piracy should be
used to support AMISOM operations, with the imposition of a no-fly
zone and a blockade of sea ports, to prevent the entry of foreign
elements into Somalia, as well as flights and shipments carrying
weapons and ammunitions to the armed opposition. The Commissioner
said he looked forward to meeting the UN Secretary-General's Special
Advisor on Legal Issues related to Piracy off the coast of Somalia,
M. Jack Lang, to discuss how best the Commission could support his
efforts. The Commission continued to emphasize that piracy is a
symptom of the broader challenges to peace and security in Somalia.
The Commissioner noted that IGAD, the AU, the UN and other partners
have made it clear that the Djibouti peace process remains the only
acceptable roadmap for the restoration of peace and stability in
Somalia, but he also added that Somalis, and their leaders, have the
primary responsibility for the restoration of peace, security and
stability in their country. They need to demonstrate leadership,
resolve and unity of purpose. It is critical that the TFIs quickly
develop a roadmap regarding the management of the remaining
transition period, with clear political, security and reconstruction
priorities, expeditiously complete the outstanding transitional
tasks; continue to reach out to all peace-embracing Somalis; and
urgently endorse the draft National Security and Stabilization Plan
and the Security Sector Assessment report.
It was also imperative that other Member States step in and share
the burden of Africa's collective responsibility in Somalia in
addition to Uganda and Burundi, in order to send an unmistakable
message of unity and strength to all those who, within and outside
Somalia, have set for themselves the goal of undermining the quest
for peace, while conveying solidarity to the people of Somalia in
bringing to an end their suffering and plight.
The Commissioner said the UN Security Council should now take the
decisions required in line with its primary responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security These included
authorization of an enhanced support package for AMISOM, and for
action in response to the calls for a naval blockade and a no-fly
zone, as well as effective implementation of sanctions against all
those impeding the peace and reconciliation process in Somalia;
approaching the issue of piracy in a holistic manner; the
reaffirmation of its commitment to deploy a UN peacekeeping
operation in Somalia through the re-hating of AMISOM and the
establishment of a time frame for this. The larger international
community and other AU partners had a key role to play. It was
critical that they provide adequate and coordinated support for the
effective reestablishment of the Somali institutions and the
long-term reconstruction of the country. In its final communiqué,
the Peace and Security Council endorsed the Commissioner's remarks
and called on the UN Security Council to take these decisions,
necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Commissioner Lamamra repeated these points again when addressing the
Security Council on Thursday this week. The Council meeting was also
briefed by Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon and by Yusuf Hassan Ibrahim,
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the TFG. The session was a
follow-up to the Mini-Summit on Somalia held in New York last month.
Commissioner Lamamra said more efforts were required from the
international community to rise to the challenge posed by the
current situation. The African Union Peace and Security Council had
urged the United Nations Security Council to endorse the newly
authorized strength of AMISOM and to authorize an enhanced support
package for AMISOM. The Security Council, Mr. Lamamra said, should
now act to impose a naval blockade and no-fly zone over Somalia to
prevent the entry of foreign fighters and flights carrying weapons
and ammunition to armed groups. The Council could also request the
Governments and organizations involved in naval operations off the
coast to provide a more direct, tangible and operational support to
AMISOM. There should be effective implementation of sanctions
against those impeding the peace and reconciliation process. The
Council should reaffirm the commitment to deploy, in due course, a
United Nations peacekeeping operation through the "re-hating" of
AMISOM, with an established timeline. Despite the challenges,
opportunities existed to "make peace happen in Somalia",
Commissioner Lamamra said. The international community could decide
to pursue its current policy of limited engagement in the false hope
that the situation could be contained, and continue to make the
existence of peace a precondition for the deployment of a United
Nations operation, or stakeholders could decide to step up their
efforts to give real meaning to the "much heralded notion of the
responsibility to protect" and confront the threat which the
prevailing situation posed to international peace and security.
Commissioner Lamamra said the African Union was convinced that the
latter was the right course of action. "We, therefore, call on the
Council to stand along with the African Union in rising to the
challenge, and responding decisively to the desperate call for
assistance from the Somali people."
Secretary-General Bank ki-Moon commended the African Union and
AMISOM for their efforts in assisting the TFG and noted recent
successes against the insurgents. The UN, he said, would continue to
work towards achieving the political objectives of the Djibouti
Peace Process by supporting the Transitional Federal Government in
outreach and reconciliation efforts and other priority tasks, the
implementation of agreements between the Government and regional
authorities, and the development of functioning State institutions,
through its "light footprint". More international help, however, was
needed. The Council, he suggested, might wish to consider phasing
the additional support in line with the recommendations outlined in
Commissioner Lamamra's report. He urged the Somalia authorities, in
turn, to consolidate their efforts and unite against the threat of
extremism, saying that the Transitional Federal Government must
start delivering improved services to the Somali people, paying
salaries to its security forces and building up its security sector
institutions. The support of the international community, he
stressed, was critical in that regard.
Despite the detailed report of Commissioner Lamamra, and its
endorsement by the TFG’s Foreign Minister Yusuf, and
Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon, the subsequent Presidential
Statement, issued by Security Council President Ruhakana Rugunda of
Uganda, was deeply disappointing, essentially confining itself to
verbal support for the TFG and AMISOM. The Council expressed its
concern at the continued instability in Somalia and the
deteriorating humanitarian situation. It reaffirmed its support for
the Djibouti Agreement and peace process as the basis for the
resolution of the conflict in Somalia, and reiterated its full
support to the TFG in its efforts to achieve peace, calling on the
TFG to remain united, redouble its efforts at reconciliation and
work for the completion of the transitional tasks, in particular the
constitution-making process. The Council welcomed the appointment of
Jerry Rawlings as the new African Union High Representative for
Somalia and noted the decisions adopted by the African Union Summit
held in Kampala on July 10th, and the recommendations of the
Ministerial Meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council
held in Addis Ababa, on October 15th.. The Council reiterated its
full support for AMISOM and called on the international community to
provide additional resources for it to better fulfill its mandate.
It also stressed the importance of international assistance to
train, equip and build the capacity of the Somali National Security
Forces, as well as support in other sectors and State institutions.
The Council condemned any attacks on the Transitional Federal
Government, AMISOM and civilian population by armed groups, foreign
fighters and their supporters, and called on all parties, especially
the armed opposition groups, to abide by their obligations under
international humanitarian law.
******************
top |
|
Somaliland’s
Foreign Minister visits Addis Ababa
Here in Addis Ababa,
yesterday, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hailemariam
Desalegn held talks with Somaliland Foreign Minister Dr. Abdullahi
Omar. Dr. Omar briefed Minister Hailemariam on the current
developments in Somaliland in terms of consolidating peace and
stability. He mentioned last week’s donors’ meeting in Hargeisa, the
first such meeting for nineteen years. Donors have now pledged to
provide direct budgetary support. All previous assistance had been
confined to humanitarian aid. Minister Hailemariam congratulated the
administration in creating a working relationship and collaboration
with the Puntland administration. He also thanked the Somaliland
administration for its prompt action, in collaboration with
Ethiopian security forces, against the ONLF terrorists, trained and
armed in Eritrea, who recently tried to smuggle themselves into
Ethiopia through Somaliland. In discussion of developments in south
Somalia, the two ministers agreed there was no option than
continuing to support the TFG even though its leadership had yet to
deliver concrete results for the transition. They also agreed that
collaboration in peace and security should be further strengthened
as well as in economic areas, linking the movement of goods and
services in accordance with the customs transit agreement signed in
May 2005 covering all issues relating to the Berbera corridor,
including tariffs and vehicle movements comprehensively.
******************
top |
|
HRW’s
continued vendetta against the people of Ethiopia
Human Rights
Watch has been involved in a vitriolic campaign to tarnish
Ethiopia’s image for a long time now, concentrating on the electoral
process, churning out report after report with a view to influencing
the conduct and outcome of the voting. Several times, it published
highly critical reports only a few days ahead of elections, claiming
that there was no possibility of their peaceful and democratic
conduct, heaping scorn on the government’s democratic credentials.
HRW’s focus was one of trying to de-legitimize the political process
in Ethiopia through a barrage of allegations attacking the fledgling
democratic institutions in the country. Obviously, the campaign,
centering on allegations of undemocratic behavior and suppression of
dissent, failed to bring about the response HRW wanted. Now it has
come up with another tactic involving even more outrageous
allegations, and taking “advocacy” to a whole new level. This time,
HRW is targeting what it believes must be the major obstacle
standing in the way of its efforts to unseat this government, that
is the rapid economic progress the country has been making. Its
previous efforts largely failed because its allegations simply
ignored the reality on the ground, gaining few converts except among
the Ethiopian opposition, though it certainly affected the country’s
image.
This latest report has changed targets, and demonstrates the new
levels to which HRW is apparently prepared to go to try to inflict
damage, making an unabashed attempt to try to literally derail
Ethiopia’s development progress. Not even bothering to make any
attempt to disguise its motives with humanitarian language, HRW’s
latest report is an open call to try and halt economic development
without even attempting to show how this might contribute in any way
to addressing the activities it attributes to the government. It
alleges the government of Ethiopia is using development aid as a
means of suppressing dissent and calls on donors to either stop
their aid or prevent the government maintaining ownership of the
policies that have been responsible for the present levels of
economic growth. The report targets a number of successful programs
currently being carried out in partnership with donors, claiming
these have been used by the government to attack the opposition and
to forcibly recruit members for the EPRDF. Among these are the
Protection of Basic Services (PBS), aimed at delivery of social
services including health, education, agricultural extension and
road construction, and which have benefited literally tens of
millions of people; the Productive Safety Net Program aimed at
providing food aid or cash in return for the participation of
individuals in public works, a program that has more than eight
million beneficiaries; the Public Sector Capacity Building Program
aimed at increasing the capacity of the civil service throughout the
country; the General Education Quality Improvement Project aimed at
improving the quality of education that is being delivered to
millions of pupils throughout the country from primary to tertiary
education; and the Domestic Institutions Program aimed at growing
domestic accountability through building up the capacity and service
delivery of democratic institutions including Parliament, the Human
Rights Commission, the Ombudsman and the regional legislatures.
These programs have, over the years, benefited literally millions of
people and contributed significantly to the impressive economic
gains Ethiopia has achieved in the last few years. These programs
have proved successful not only because the government of Ethiopia
exercises a measure of ownership of its policies but also because
they are formulated and implemented with the full participation of
the beneficiaries. Equally, donors are, of course, involved
throughout the process. The projects are continuously monitored. The
result is that they have been instrumental in ensuring a better
livelihood for tens of millions of people, and the number of people
needing food aid in the country has been progressively declining.
The government is confident the country will achieve food security
by the end of the just launched five year Growth and Transformation
Plan. This might be bad news for those who want to use food aid as
leverage for political purposes, but for no one else.
HRW states that increased financing, together with the Ethiopian
government’s commitment to growth and tackling poverty, has led to
genuine, though it also adds, “exaggerated progress” in meeting the
UN Millennium Development Goals. In fact, Ethiopia, along with
Tunisia and Libya, is one of the three countries in Africa which
have either achieved or is on target for achieving six of the MDGs.
It has reached the MDGs in major advances in the eradication of
extreme poverty and hunger (MDG 1); achieving universal primary
education (MDG 2); improving maternal mortality (MDG 5); and
combating disease (MDG 6); and is on track in promoting gender
equality (MDG 3) and reducing child mortality (MDG 4). It has yet to
make sufficient progress for MDG 7, ensuring environmental
sustainability; and the eighth MDG, developing a global partnership
for development, is not, of course, country specific. Despite HRW’s
immediate effort to discredit this by suggesting that government
figures cannot be trusted, these details come from the recently
published African Economic Outlook for 2010, produced by the
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the African
Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa.
HRW, however, discounts this progress because there are some
allegations that these programs are being used by the government as
tools to repress opposition and reward its own supporters. The
report claims: “local authorities tell opposition members to
renounce party membership and become EPRDF members if they wanted to
access subsidized seeds and fertilizer, food relief, civil service
jobs, promotion, retention, student university assignment,
post-graduate employment and other government- controlled benefits.”
The way the report reads one is expected to conclude that everything
in Ethiopia is controlled by the party and nothing can be accessed
without being a member of the ruling party. To try to take issue
with every specific allegation would be an exercise in futility, but
it might be worth mentioning that the beneficiaries of these
programs are at least twenty times greater than the number of EPRDF
members. For HRW even civic education in schools is indoctrination
by the ruling party, and it appears to want an end to the Education
Quality programs. Because a few opposition members claim they have
suffered from discrimination in the PBS or Productive Safety Net
programs, HRW wants to see the government denied of ownership of its
policies. It also recommends the repeal of the Charities and
Societies Law and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. For HRW to
suggest that every one of the hundreds of thousands of students
matriculating every year have joined the EPRDF in order to enroll in
the university is laughable. Equally, this allegation is no laughing
matter because effectively what HRW is calling for is for donors to
cancel these programs simply because HRW has the idea that a few
people somewhere in the country may feel uneasy about some aspects.
It proudly claims it is basing this on no more than a couple of
hundred interviews.
We have shown time and time again in commenting on HRW’s previous
reports that truth is never HRW’s forte. It usually operates in an
evidence-free zone. In what can only be considered a mockery of
research methodology, HRW is prepared to recommend stopping
development aid that has contributed to improving the lives of tens
of millions of people on the basis of phone interviews with a few
dozen individuals whose background and interests it is not prepared
to identify. The use of anecdotal evidence of this kind in this way
can only be seen as the height of irresponsibility.
It might also be noted that the very donors whom HRW is attempting
to bully into cutting aid, and end these programs, do not actually
agree with Human Right Watch’s assessments from New York. The
representatives of 26 donors working in partnership with the
government on these programs carried out an investigation into
earlier allegations. The Development Assistance Group, (DAG),
concluded that “there are clear safeguards in place to ensure that
aid resources are used properly to achieve intended results” and
that there is no reason to believe that there indeed was any
systematic impropriety on the part of the government. Typically,
HRW’s response to this was to dismiss it. HRW claims the DAG report
cannot be taken at face value because “some individuals” have told
HRW researchers “in private” that they know the government does the
things the HRW says it does. The DAG report fails to portray the
true findings of its authors, or alternatively the donors are cowed
by the Government’s tough reaction if they publish critical reports.
It is always HRW which has a monopoly over truth, honesty and
courage. Even if the donors insist everything is going well, HRW
knows better, and the donors must be forced into accepting HRW’s
version of reality as seen from HRW’s glossy New York headquarters
with the help of phantom researchers.
It seems very apparent that HRW’s motives are political. They
certainly have nothing to do with the kind of lofty rhetoric HRW
propounds about Human Rights. It is rather about trying to arm-twist
a government into submission. It tried to do this through campaigns
aimed at influencing elections. Since those failed, it is now trying
another technique. There is no reason to doubt the resolve of the
donors, or of the Government, to resist these efforts. Today, the
Development Assistance Group (DAG) issued a statement making it
clear that the group did not agree with HRW’s report. It pointed out
that it took any allegations of misuse of development aid very
seriously, and that was why it had commissioned its own report, a
report which “did not generate any evidence of systematic or
widespread distortion.” The DAG statement said categorically “we do
not concur with the conclusions of the recent HRW report regarding
widespread, systematic abuse of development aid in Ethiopia.” While
it is regrettable that HRW’s allegations may dent Ethiopia’s image
unnecessarily, HRW’s efforts to try to bring a halt to aid programs
that are successfully assisting millions of people must surely be
seen as a despicable and unwarranted attack on Africa.
******************
top |
|
Ethiopia’s
new Foreign Minister meets the Diplomatic community
On Wednesday this week, Ato Hailemariam
Desalegn, Ethiopia’s new Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of
Foreign Affairs, met with representatives of the diplomatic corps
and of the international community, including the Chairperson of the
African Union Commission and other international organizations. He
said it was a collective occasion which provided him with an
opportunity for individual and bilateral encounters and the chance
to initiate contacts. It was not, however, intended to be a
substitute for the more formal and extended discussions he intended
to have with everyone later. He told the diplomatic corps that he
had no greater priority as foreign minister of Ethiopia than
ensuring Ethiopia’s relations with the countries and the bodies
represented in Addis Ababa should be based on true partnership and
friendship rooted in mutual trust and mutual consideration. He said
that while he might disagree with his listeners and even make them
unhappy, he would not mislead them. One thing, he said, that he
cherished in relations between nations was consistency and
predictability, based on principles.
Minister Hailemariam did not go into
detail on substantive issues but he did refer to the fact that the
months ahead would be critical to the region and to Africa: What
happens in Sudan would by no means be limited to the people of the
Sudan; Somalia was not yet out of the woods. The challenges remained
daunting. In all this, he said, “we need your support and
understanding; we can not compartmentalize our problems in regional
terms”. He also assured his listeners that in other critical matters
such as climate change and environmental issues, Ethiopia’s
proactive involvement would be greater not less. On regional issues,
Ato Hailemariam said he was confident that everyone would work to
strengthen IGAD's regional peace and integration initiatives.
Underlining Ethiopia’s Chairmanship of IGAD, he said he would spare
no effort to work with everybody to promote peace and stability in
our sub-region.
Minister Hailemariam referred briefly to
the new Growth and Transformation Plan describing its implementation
as a Herculean task. He said Ethiopia was however determined to
achieve the targets set out. The government had assumed the primary
responsibility for implementing the Plan, but he added “we will also
count on your assistance to successfully realize our objectives”.
He emphasized that the presence of the
African Union in Addis Ababa provided a great opportunity for
Ethiopians. It was a gift from Africa for which the Ethiopian people
would always be grateful. Ato Hailemariam said he would “like to
urge all to support the African Union’s continental endeavors to
promote development, peace and security and good governance.” “To
lift Africa from the quagmire of underdevelopment and set it on the
path of prosperity, we, together with our brothers and sisters from
Africa, would like to encourage our partners to serve as a bridge
between our continent and their respective countries and the
organizations they represent”.
*****************
top
|
|
The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs says farewell to Ato Seyoum
Meanwhile, earlier in the week, members of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs took leave of former Foreign
Minister Seyoum Mesfin, Africa’s longest serving Foreign Minister.
He had held the post since the present government was established in
1991, and before that had been responsible for the foreign affairs
of the TPLF and then the EPRDF during the long struggle against the
military dictatorship between 1975 and 1991. Speaking at the event
on Monday, Ato Seyoum expressed his belief that his successor and
the staff of the Ministry would further enhance the diplomatic
relations built up over the previous decades. He said he had no
doubt that the people-to-people relations, and the political and
economic links created during his time in office would be
strengthened in the future. He said he was most grateful for the
support he had received from the staff of the Ministry, and for the
professional commitment they had displayed. Similarly, he expressed
his appreciation for the contribution of the party. Together they
had been able to overcome the inevitable problems and shortages that
had affected the Ministry at times. The Ministry had been
responsible for successfully implementing the policy of the party.
It was a collective effort and he was very grateful for the
experience. He added that Ato Hailemariam Desalegn was exactly the
right person to take up the reins of foreign policy and work for the
success of the new five year Growth and Transformation Plan.
Thanking all his colleagues and members of the ministry, he stressed
that he would continue to devote his efforts to Ethiopia. One phase,
he said, had finally come to an end, but he remained sure that he
still had something to offer.
In giving an appreciation of Ato Seyoum,
his long time colleague, Dr. Tekeda Alemu, who is also leaving his
position as Minister of State, noted that he had worked with Ato
Seyoum since 1991. It had been an enlightening and inspiring
experience. He described Ato Seyoum as sincere and honest,
transparent and thoughtful, a man of integrity who did not pretend
or dissimulate. He was a civilized and even gentle person who was
cautious and thoughtful, who did not rush to judgment, but could
always be relied upon to come to the right and proper conclusions.
He always took the trouble to listen to others but made it very
clear that in the last resort he was the one in charge. Competent
and efficient, he provided a remarkably sound basis for an effective
and successful foreign policy, laying out the main parameters of
policy, clearly, consistently and logically. Dr. Tekeda emphasized
just how much effort Ato Seyoum had put into enhancing the
diplomatic relations of Ethiopia, and how successful he had been in
establishing Ethiopia’s foreign relations on the basis of mutual
benefit, mutual respect, mutual understanding and joint
responsibility. Both Dr. Tekeda and Ato Seyoum also paid tribute to
the role played by Prime Minister Meles in the formulation of the
concepts underlying Ethiopia’s foreign policy.
*****************
top
|
|
Core principles of Ethiopia’s Foreign
Policy: Ethiopia-Russia relations
Ethiopia and Russia have longstanding
historical relations going back to the period of the Russian Czar
Machilovich, the father of Peter the Great, in the 17th
century. It is also recorded that Alexander Pushkin, a renowned
Russian writer, was a grandson of Abraham Hannibal, an
Ethiopian who lived in Russia. Other early contacts between Russia
and Ethiopia include the visit of an Ethiopian delegation sent by
the Emperor Menilek II to Russia, and visits of several Russians to
Ethiopia during Menilek’s reign, at least one of whom was given the
title of Dejazmatch for his travels on behalf of the Emperor along
Ethiopia’s southern boundaries. These contacts laid the foundation
for the close relations of the two countries, based on mutual
respect and friendship between the two peoples. And it is notable
that regardless of the differing political systems that existed at
various times, relations between them have continued close and
friendly.
One demonstration of that friendship has
been that Russia has always, and without fail, stood with Ethiopia
whenever the sovereignty of Ethiopia was threatened. Russian
solidarity with Ethiopia was first illustrated when the Russian Red
Cross Society came to Ethiopia in 1896, at the time of the Battle of
Adwa when Italy attempted to attack the country. It made an
outstanding contribution in provision of medical supplies and care
to the Ethiopian patriots on the battlefield and subsequently.
Again, during the fascist invasion of Ethiopia in 1936, Russia was
one of those countries which stood in solidarity with Ethiopia. It
has done so on every occasion throughout the 20th century
whenever Ethiopia faced challenges to its sovereignty and its core
national security interests. In short, the bonds that exist between
Ethiopia and Russia have stood the test of time and proven their
strength time and again.
The
most important historical landmarks of Ethio-Russia historical
relations visible in Addis Ababa are the large plot of land granted
for the construction of a Russian mission after the Battle of Adwa,
where the Russian Embassy is still located, and the establishment of
the Russian Hospital, now the Balcha Memorial Hospital. Diplomatic
relations between Ethiopia and Russia were upgraded to Embassy level
when both countries opened their respective embassies in Addis Ababa
and Moscow in 1956. While relations between Ethiopia and Russia
continued throughout the Imperial era, they were much closer during
the Marxist, military regime of the Derg when both counties belonged
to same ideological camp. With the change of government in Ethiopia
and the collapse of the Soviet Union, relations were placed on a
different footing, but they remained warm and friendly. In recent
years, there have been increased exchanges of visits of high level
officials between the two countries. Major visits have included
Prime Minister Meles’s trip to Moscow in December 2001 and Foreign
Minister Seyoum in November 2007; former Russian Prime Minister,
Mikhail Kasyanov came to Ethiopia in September 2002; and Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov came here in September 2006.
In order to strengthen their economic
ties further, the two countries established a Joint Commission on
Economic, Scientific, Trade and Technical Cooperation in 1999. The
Commission held its first meeting in Moscow; and the second in 2002
in Addis Ababa. The third, in February 2008, was in Moscow and the
fourth will take place in Addis Ababa at the end of this year. The
main areas of cooperation covered under the Joint Commission include
energy, mining, transport, agriculture, education, health, tourism
and telecommunications. Although these meetings have taken place at
both expert and ministerial levels, the results have not been as
extensive as hoped. There is also considerable potential for
enhanced trade and investment. Three major agreements, on Economic,
Scientific and Technical Cooperation, Avoidance of Double Taxation,
and Promotion and Reciprocal Protection of Investment have been
signed.
The major commodities Ethiopia exports to
Russia include coffee, leather and leather products, and flowers. It
imports industrial products, machinery, chemicals, and other capital
goods from Russia. The trade balance favors Russia and the total
trade volume of the two countries was nearly 2 billion birr in 2009.
Currently, there are 23 investment projects registered in Ethiopia
by Russian investors; 21 are in the pre-implementation stage, while
two are under implementation. Total Russian investment in Ethiopia
amounts to just over a billion birr as of August last year. Measures
to expedite Russia’s ratification of the agreements on Avoidance of
Double Taxation and Promotion and Reciprocal Protection of
Investment would help to further improve trade and investment
relations. The priority areas of interest for Russian companies in
Ethiopia include mining and mineral resources, oil and gas, gold,
tantalum, heavy metals and platinum exploration as well as hydro and
geothermal power generation. Russian companies have preferred to
acquire mineral concessions rather than participating in
international tenders. Given the long-standing relationship, and the
priority that the RUS-AID program gives to ex-socialist countries,
it is expected Ethiopia will be one of the priority countries for
Russian development cooperation. The fight against terrorism is
another area where the two countries do cooperate, and in this
connection, Ethiopia is very appreciative of the highly effective
cooperation in security areas which exists between the two
countries. Equally, with the centuries of relationship, there is a
lot more that can be done to further enhance our ties while
fraternal relations between our two peoples continue to be anchored
on a firm basis.
In the light of Russia’s historic
interests in Africa, and its position in the UN Security Council,
Ethiopia expects Russia to play an active role in issues relating to
Africa in general and the Horn of Africa in particular. Indeed,
Russian support for the Security Council sanctions imposed on
Eritrea last December was decisive. It is in fact appropriate to
express appreciation for Russia’s interest in the Horn of Africa.
The appointment of a Special Envoy to Sudan also demonstrates the
level of attention Russia has given to the sub-region, and there is
no doubt that Russia could play a significant role in providing
peace and stability in Somalia as well as Sudan.
*****************
top |
|
