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Foreign Minister Seyoum at the UN General Assembly
Addressing
the UN General Assembly on Friday last week, Foreign Minister
Seyoum Mesfin noted that it has been eighteen years since Ethiopia
had removed a military dictatorship of unprecedented cruelty.
The subsequent years, he said, had not been easy, beginning
as they did from a level where there was a complete lack of
democracy, of development and a stagnant economy, but they did
show substantial achievement in democratization and economic
development amounting to no less than a fundamental change of
development trajectory. Indeed, in terms of hard fact, not comment
from externally-based political agendas, Ethiopia was now in
the vanguard of respect for individual political and human rights
in commitment and practice. It was now entering its sixth year
of double-digit economic growth despite the pressure from the
global economic crisis. And this had been achieved despite a
sometimes less than helpful international economic and political
environment. Minister Seyoum noted there had been a lack of
tolerance towards diversity, to policy-space experimentation
and independent thinking; there had been unjustified conditionalities,
both economic and political; and, of course, unjustified aggression
as well as the international economic crisis.
There were
regional challenges, too, over the last eighteen years whose
consequences for democratization, development, and fighting
poverty, in Ethiopia and more widely, could not be overlooked.
Conditions of peace and security in the Horn of Africa region
obviously affected domestic agendas. Indeed, open societies
were more vulnerable to the kind of situation prevailing in
the Horn of Africa: “the mix of extremist forces and rogue
states is not conducive for the growth of democracy in close
proximity.” Ethiopia has obviously been affected by events
in Somalia with which it has the longest border and Minister
Seyoum emphasized it was time to abandon the fiction that this
was just a war among Somalis. Somalia had been high-jacked by
foreign fighters whose loudly declared ambition went far beyond
Somalia. The crisis there was assisted and abetted by rogue
states, and even by some ostensibly decent states, which continued
to fuel extremism in Somalia and fund activities there. In fact,
in Somalia today, Minister Seyoum said, there was greater coordination
and cooperation among those who assisted extremism than among
those who professed support for the Transitional Federal Government.
The effect was to embolden those bent on destroying Somalia
as the latest horrific suicide attack had demonstrated. IGAD
had spoken with one voice, African Heads of State and government
had unanimously endorsed the appeal to the UN Security Council
to stand up and be counted in support of the fight against extremism
in Somalia, but the Security Council still didn't appear to
consider Somalia a priority. International community efforts
remained minimal with few even symbolic steps against extremism.
Similarly, it was critical that there should be an effective
implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan.
The Horn of Africa, Minister Seyoum added, could not afford
the consequence of any failure in the Sudan peace process. Ethiopia,
he said, was very close to both parties in the Sudan and this
was an asset it wanted to use wisely.
Another
area of challenge, the Minister added, was climate change. The
consequence of this on Ethiopia's agriculture and plans for
food security, inevitably, has been huge. Where the country
had faced drought every decade or so, it was now nearer every
three or four years, and if not drought, there were floods.
Ethiopia was very grateful to those partners who had assisted
in mitigation of the adverse effects on agricultural activities,
and Minister Seyoum particularly mentioned a meeting on Partnering
for Food Security organized by US Secretary of State, Hillary
Clinton, to be held that same day. He also noted Ethiopia's
appreciation of the efforts of Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon
on climate change and said Ethiopia looked forward to resolute
moves being taken by the international community at Copenhagen
“on the basis of the principle of common but differentiated
responsibilities.” Ethiopia was gratified that Africa
had decided to be innovative over its representation at Copenhagen,
with a single negotiating team delegated to negotiate on the
basis of a common African position. It was an honour for Ethiopia
that its Prime Minister would lead the African negotiating team.
Ethiopia, said Minister Seyoum, expected much from Copenhagen.
The minister concluded by reiterating Ethiopia’s commitment
to the UN and to reforms of the institution including that of
the Security Council.
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Somalia: Extremist opposition organizations
fight in Kismayo
Yesterday,
heavy fighting reportedly broke out in Kismayo between the extremist
opposition group, Hizbul Islam, and the terrorist organization,
Al-Shabaab. The two have been in dispute over control of the
port-city for the last few weeks. Last week, Al-Shabaab unilaterally
named an administration of its own officials to run the city.
This apparently ignored an agreement made last year when Kismayo
was captured by various opposition groups. At the time it was
agreed that Al-Shabaab should provide an administration for
six months and then hand over to Hizbul Islam, whose militia
forces, along with the Ras Kambooni and Annola militias had
been involved in taking the city. The Ras Kambooni militia,
headed by Sheikh Hassan Abdullahi 'Turki', a close ally of Sheikh
Hassan Dahir ‘Aweys’, like the Annola militia, represents
local political interests in Kismayo and the surrounding area.
It appears that when it came to the point, Al-Shabaab refused
to hand over to Hizbul Islam and insisted it should keep control.
Over the weekend, both sides began to take up defensive positions.
Efforts by local businessmen to mediate made no progress. A
Hizbul Islam spokesperson was quoted as telling a press conference
on Wednesday that Hizbul Islam would fight Al-Shabaab if it
did not stop its provocation, and threatened that fighting in
Kismayo would spread into all areas where the two organizations
were represented. The same day, an Al-Shabaab spokesperson called
on Al-Shabaab fighters to be prepared for a big war against
Hizbul Islam. Fighting broke out yesterday. There are indications
that disagreements between Hizbul Islam and Al-Shabaab are not
confined to the Kismayo area. Al-Shabaab criticized a new administration
announced by Hizbul Islam for part of Gedo region when Hizbul
Islam appointed some new representatives there last week after
previous Hizbul Islam officials joined Al-Shabaab.
It was
Sheikh Hassan Dahir 'Aweys', after he had returned to Mogadishu
from Eritrea in April, Who led what President Sheikh Sharif,
addressing the UN General Assembly on Friday last week, called
an attempted coup d'etat by Hizbul Islam and Al-Shabaab. Referring
to rebels which he described as conducting “a violent
insurrection” against the TFG, the President said his
priorities were to improve the security situation, promote reconciliation
and deliver humanitarian assistance to displaced persons. He
noted that unless Somalia's security situation improved piracy
would continue. Somalia, he stressed, needed assistance and
support for measures to promote Somalia's police services, and
improve its judicial and administrative structures. The numbers
of African Union troops should be increased. He urged the UN
Security Council to reconsider its arms embargo on Somalia to
allow the government to build up its own security forces. He
asked the donors who had attended the Brussels conference in
April to make further funding available. He believed Somalia
could make genuine, concrete progress, but it needed urgent
action and international support.
In the
meantime, Somalia is being torn apart by two groups of extremists
who have more or less the same philosophy and supported by outside
forces, but who are nonetheless at each others throat because
of minor difference over the division of the spoil.
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Eritrea: now
it’s the turn of the UN to be in the wrong
No false
modesty, indeed no modesty at all, affects the Government of
Eritrea. Neither the Government nor President Issayas ever admits
to doubt or uncertainty. President Issayas recently made it
clear that if the US wanted better relations with Eritrea then
it was the US which must change its regional, and indeed, its
global policies:”the US will have to improve its relations
with us...we don't ask their favour. They have to correct their
wrongs.”Another target for repeated critical comment has
been the UN, the target of a Ministry of Information statement
over the weekend and of Foreign Minister, Osman Saleh, at the
UN General Assembly at the beginning of the week. Mr. Osman
made it clear Eritrea believed the UN should have been replaced
long ago by a reformed organization “fit to address the
challenges of the century we live in”. He claimed it was
necessary to steer the world away from the control of a powerful
few responsible for spreading a culture of “politics of
fear” and “management by crisis” which operated
as the norm and imperilled world peace and security. Mr. Osman
did not emphasize Eritrea's usual claim that it had suffered
unduly but said that none had been more exposed to harm than
those in Africa. He suggested as a result that when it came
to the resolution of crises and conflicts Africa was dependent
upon the goodwill of others. This, of course, is hardly the
case with Eritrea itself as its persistent refusals to resolve
its problems with Ethiopia or with Djibouti have been solely
dependent upon its own actions. In his speech, Mr. Osman made
no more than a fleeting reference to the Horn of Africa in order,
he said, to avoid confusing and distorting the bigger picture
on the need for fundamental reform of the UN . He therefore
made no reference to Eritrea's repeated refusals to respond
to UN Security Council resolutions demanding an end to the Eritrean
moves forcing the UN Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE)
to leave the Temporary Security Zone set up under the Algiers
Peace Agreement of December 2000 and thereby abrogating unilaterally
the Peace Agreement, or more recently for Eritrea to withdraw
the troops which invaded Djibouti in June last year.
In his
critique of the world order, Mr. Osman went on to claim that
“violent extremism has not received the attention it deserves;
rather it has been further fuelled and manipulated as a pretext
and excuse for ulterior motives.” This appears to be an
attempt to pre-empt criticism by one of Eritrea's most common
techniques - blaming others for its own behaviour. In fact,
Mr. Osman might have been speaking about Eritrea's own support
for violent extremists in Somalia and its efforts to destabilize
the Horn of Africa, though Eritrea continues to deny its involvement
in Somalia despite all the evidence of the UN Monitoring Group
reports, including flight manifests of arms flown from Eritrea
in Somalia, the capture of Eritrean officers at the Kenyan border
in January 2007, and the support given to Sheikh Hassan Dahir
'Aweys' flown down to Mogadishu from his base in Asmara in April
this year. This support included two plane loads of arms a month
later allowing Sheikh 'Aweys' to fix up an alliance between
his Hizbul Islam coalition and Al-Shabaab terrorists to attempt
a coup to seize Mogadishu from the Somali Government in May.
It failed but the fighting has continued with Eritrea continuing
to offer support to the opposition to the Government. It is
the detailed evidence of all this which led IGAD and then the
African Union Heads of State and Government earlier this year
to take the unprecedented step of calling on the UN Security
Council to issue sanctions against Eritrea and impose a sea
blockade and a no-fly zone to stop the flow of arms and support
from Eritrea to extremist groups in Somalia.
Eritrea's
response to these criticisms has been continued and increasingly
desperate denials and attempts to switch the aim of the accusations,
another of its common responses. The Director of President Issayas'
Office, Yemane Ghebremeskel, said this week that the focus on
terrorism in Somalia was “exaggerated and overblown”.
Ignoring the Somali Government's own efforts to widen the peace
process, he called for a more inclusive process to include talks
with the Al-Shabaab terrorists, complaining that no one had
the right to ostracise any particular groups. Eritrea appears
to apply this logic more widely than Somalia, providing support
to armed opposition groups in Darfur, Djibouti and Ethiopia
as well as Somalia. President Issayas likes to claim these are
no more than allegations made up by the CIA, and even alleges
the Eritrean invasion of Djibouti last year was only a CIA invention.
In fact, Eritrean troops crossed into Djibouti territory in
June 2008 and Eritrea has consistently refused to take any notice
of UN Security Council resolutions demanding its withdrawal
or of the universal condemnation from IGAD and the African Union.
As so often, Eritrea persists in claiming it, and it alone,
is in the right.
Now it's
carrying it all a step further despite Eritrea's categorization
by Reporters Without Borders as “a disgrace to Africa”
and “the world's biggest prison”. Since Eritrea
is the only country in step in the Horn of Africa, all others
must be helping the UN to serve as the mere tool of forces manipulating
the UN Charter behind the scenes and weakening, paralysing the
organization to such an extent that “it is now an instrument
of neo-colonialism and illegal practices on the part of the
forces of domination and hegemony.” The major illegality
in the eyes of the Eritrean Government would appear to be any
criticism of Eritrean action including what the Eritrean Government
calls “unjust and unbalanced resolutions of the United
Nations and other international and regional organizations.”
It's hardly a surprise that the Ministry of Information statement
concludes that governments around the world should be “..duty-bound
to bring about radical change in the objectives and modus operandi
of the UN..”, and calls for “speedy and practical
initiatives towards the creation of a new and better international
order”, presumably anticipating significant benefits for
Eritrea.
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Djibouti talks
of Eritrea's pattern of regional military aggression
On the
final day of the UN General Assembly debate on Tuesday, Djibouti's
Permanent Representative to the UN, Ambassador Roble Olhaye,
told the Assembly that the Security Council needed to use “all
the means at its disposal” to end the border dispute between
Eritrea and Djibouti. In June last year, following weeks of
rising tension and military build-up, Eritrean forces crossed
the border into Djibouti territory at Ras Doumeira. In subsequent
fighting over 30 died and dozens were wounded. Eritrea refused
to co-operate with a UN fact-finding mission or with the AU
or the Arab League. “It has also ignored the Organization
of Islamic Conference whose annual foreign ministers meeting
in New York last week commended Djibouti for its efforts to
settle the dispute peacefully and strongly urged Eritrea to
comply without further delay with the UN Security Council.”
Eritrea
refused to meet with any envoy of UN Secretary-General, Ban
ki-Moon, who offered his good offices to help end the dispute.
In January, the Security Council adopted a resolution demanding
the withdrawal of forces to pre-June positions. Djibouti did
so, Eritrea refused either to withdraw its forces from the disputed
area or co-operate with diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute.
It has made no subsequent effort to co-operate with the UN and
has claimed that the whole story is no more than a US invention.
On Tuesday, Ambassador Roble called for the row to be resolved
urgently as the Security Council had suggested “without
further equivocation, confusion and deliberate procrastination.”
Ambassador Roble noted that inaction set a dangerous precedent,
of denial and refusal to cooperate, which others would surely
follow in the future. “The Council”, he said, “must
not appear to be appeasing Eritrea indefinitely”. “This”,
he added, “is a dangerous and unpredictable regime that
has not shown so far any respect to international norms and
behavior.” Subsequently, exercising a right of reply,
an Eritrean delegate, reflecting the usual Eritrean falsification
of the truth, claimed Eritrea had no territorial ambitions and
had not occupied any land belonging to Djibouti.
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Human Rights Council asked to consider Eritrea’s
destabilizing role in Somalia
The 12th
ordinary meeting of the UN Human Rights Council, currently being
underway in Geneva considered the report of the Independent
Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Mr. Shamsul
Bari. In his report, the independent expert lamented on the
lack of international community’s support to Somalia and
highlighted the egregious human rights violations committed
particularly by Al Shebab and other extremist groups within
the country. He also warned against the rising use of children
in the conflict by these groups.
During
the interactive dialogue that followed, Eritrea’s destabilizing
role was given particular attention. The Spokesman of members
and observers of African states in the Council made a statement
that underlined Eritrea’s destabilization role in Somalia
by arming and training the terrorist group. In his statement,
the Djiboutian Ambassador and Permanent Representative, Mr Mohamed
Siad Doualeh, noted that Eritrea’s negative role in Somalia
remains a major obstacle to peace and stability in the country.
Ethiopia supported the African Group’s statement and asked
if the Independent Experts intends to consider the role of Eritrea
in his future reports. In his reply, the independent expert
indicated his interest to study the role of Eritrea in Somalia.
Though
previous reports of the independent expert were not without
flaws and errors, Ethiopia, in concert with likeminded states
both within the African group and beyond, supported the renewal
of the mandate of the Independent Expert on the situation of
human rights in Somalia.
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Somaliland's renewed commitment to free and
fair elections
On Wednesday,
Somaliland's three political parties, the ruling party UDUB
and the two opposition parties, Kulmiye and UCID, signed a six
point Memorandum of Understanding, hopefully bringing to an
end months of disagreement and dispute over the upcoming presidential
election. The Memorandum, put forward by Friends of Somaliland,
namely the UK and Ethiopia, was signed by the three party leaders,
President Dahir Riyale Kahin (UDUB), Ahmed Mohamed Mahamoud
'Silanyo' (Kulmiye) and Faisal Ali Warabe (UCID). Also present
at the signing were members of the Guurti, the House of Elders,
chaired by Suleiman Mahamud Aden 'Gaal', and of the Lower House
Parliament, including the Speaker, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi,
as well as representatives of the local and international media
and of Ethiopia and the UK.
The agreement,
whose preamble stresses the need for fair, free and peaceful
elections to preserve the peace, stability and credibility of
Somaliland, commits the parties to six points, most importantly
in effect depoliticizing the date of the election. The parties
agree to the postponement of the election which is to be held
under the auspices of new and credible Election Commission,
assisted by a team of independent international experts whose
terms of reference will be agreed with the Commission and the
parties. The Commission will then produce a refined voter’s
registration list and fix a new date for the election based
on the time required for final preparations to be made. In the
meantime the signatories agree the offices of President and
Vice-President should be extended to no more than a month after
the date fixed for the election. The final point of the Memorandum
underlines the need for the Friends of Somaliland to continue
their involvement in the process to help ensure its implementation.
This agreement,
endorsed earlier by the Guurti as "the ultimate remedy
for the Somaliland problem", has already been referred
to as "Somaliland's six pillars of survival." It should
bring to an end months of dispute over the election date and
the voter registration list, disputes which led to scuffles
in Parliament and violent demonstrations in Hargeisa in which
four died on September 12. In statements after the signing ceremony
in the Presidential Palace, the parties, which acknowledged
the efforts made by the UK and Ethiopia, committed themselves
to implement the agreement in good faith and to make sure that
nothing similar should happen in the future. They expressed
their readiness to settle differences by themselves as they
have done in the past. They also committed themselves to put
clan issues aside and act as in the national interests of Somaliland,
to preserve, as the Memorandum emphasizes, “the stability,
security and credibility of Somaliland”. The President,
referring to recent detentions and the need to make the election
speedy, fair and free, committed the Government to a process
of conciliation. This was, in fact, the first time for nearly
six months that the parties has sat down together, and talked
to each other in a friendly atmosphere.
The local
media, public and private, in their reports have already made
it clear just how much a relief the agreement is. There is also
very real appreciation for the swift action of Somaliland's
friends, and general appreciation that what remains now is for
the parties to carry out the practical actions to pave the way
for a peaceful, free and fair election. This view is certainly
shared by Ethiopia, and the UK, whose interest and involvement
in the process has been in the preservation of peace and stability
of Somaliland. It could not be an option for Ethiopia to remain
with hands folded while Somaliland slid into chaos. Somaliland
has provided an area of relative stability in our region for
eighteen years. It deserves every encouragement and support
and Ethiopia will continue to assist Somaliland whenever necessary.
No doubt, the UK will do likewise. It has indeed been a worthwhile
partnership.
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No progress in Nile Basin negotiations
The First
Joint Meeting of the Nile-Technical Advisory Committee (Nile-TAC)
and the Negotiating Committee of the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI)
was held in Kampala this week, on September 28 and 29. It was
convened following a decision of the NBI Council of Ministers
at their 17th Ordinary Session held July 27 and 28 in Alexandria,
Egypt. Participants were drawn from the nine Nile Basin countries:
Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya,
Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda, and opening remarks were
made by Minister Dr. Mohamed Nasr El-Din Allam, Minister of
Water and Irrigation of Egypt and Chairperson of the Nile Council
of Ministers, Minister Maria Mutagamba, Minister of Water and
Environment of Uganda and Ms. Henriette Ndombe, Executive Director
of the Nile Basin Initiative. Deliberations covered details
of the mandate of the joint meeting, the rules of procedure
and dates for further meetings to be held to finalize submissions
to the NBI Council of Ministers.
However,
the meeting was unable to provide the basis for moving forward
together in an inclusive manner on the main area of contention.
The upper riparian countries of Burundi, Democratic Republic
of Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda take
the view that the decisions of the Council of Ministers at their
extraordinary meeting on 22 May 2009 in Kinshasa, and the cleaning-up
of the text of the Cooperative Framework Agreement at the meeting
of the Negotiating Committee on 3 July 2009 in Nairobi, Kenya,
provide the foundation to move forward together. Egypt and Sudan,
however, argued that the 17th Ordinary Session of the Council
of Ministers in Alexandria in July had reversed the decisions
taken in Kinshasa and Nairobi. As a result of these differences,
this week's meeting could do no more than draw up draft Rules
of Procedure, leaving one pending addition to be added, and
agree to hold their next meeting in Dar es Selaam, Tanzania,
in December.
The central
point of the sharp divergences goes to the heart of longstanding
differences on whether ‘existing agreements’ on
the Nile River should be taken into account in the new Cooperative
Framework Agreement. The upper riparian states ( Burundi, Democratic
Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda)
want to start with the new legal regime of the Cooperative Framework
Agreement based on the principles of equitable utilization of
water and of avoiding significant harm to any riparian states.
Sudan and Egypt say that they also accept these principles.
However, they also want the highly unequal ‘existing agreements’
or ‘rights’ to remain effective. Ethiopia and the
upper riparian states firmly reject this contention, hoping
that the two downstream countries of Egypt and Sudan will reconsider
their position and join with the majority of the Nile riparian
states in implementing the Cooperative Framework Agreement.
Under this
circumstance, it is becoming obvious that it might not be all
that likely that the two divergent positions would be reconciled
very soon. Some might wonder if the Nile riparian countries
have been aiming at something which is not doable now. Perhaps,
what is being aimed at requires a lot more psychological preparation,
a lost more wisdom and a higher level of readiness for a win-win
arrangement which no doubt would be in the interest of the present
and succeeding generations. Ethiopia has both the necessary
patience and prudence and the resolve not to compromise on principles
that should underpin any equitable arrangement on issues relating
to transboundary rivers such as the Nile.
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