EU Parliamentary
delegation visits Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa
A response to
President Issayas’ latest letter to the UN
Regional security
policies in the Horn of Africa: the “experts” meet in Cairo
Press TV’s reporting
on the Horn of Africa
IGAD revitalization:
making progress
A welcome to
President-Elect Barack Obama
Ethiopia: a pillar
of peace in the Horn of Africa.
Earlier this week,
President Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia’s TFG arrived in London for a routine
medical check-up. His spokesman said the visit was no more than routine
and that the President’s health was ‘fine’. The 73 year old President is
expected back in Somalia within the week. In the meantime, sources close
to Prime Minister Nur Hassan ‘Adde’ said that he has finalized the list of
ten new ministers and three deputy ministers for his cabinet. He has also
now gone to London to present the list for the President’s approval.
Agreement on the cabinet list has to be within the timeframe laid out in
the Nairobi Declaration. There is no alternative option. The President and
the Prime Minister are obligated by the Nairobi Declaration to establish a
cabinet within 15 days, and there is not much time left. Another element
of the Nairobi Declaration which has to be set up within the same period
is the establishment of the Benadir Administration. A supervisory
delegation from the Somali Parliament has traveled to Mogadishu to speed
this up. According to the Declaration, this has to be done within the next
week. The previous administration was removed after the signing of the
Addis Ababa road map in August and a temporary administration nominated to
deal with day to day administrative activities as well as assist in the
creation of a new administration at regional and district levels.
Another requirement of the
Nairobi Declaration is the appointment of a facilitator. The Chairman of the
IGAD Council of Ministers has requested comments from his colleagues on the
nomination of a candidate proposed by Kenya, but consultations on the matter
have not yet been finalized. The facilitator is expected to base himself in
Addis Ababa to keep in close and continuous touch with the chair of the IGAD
Assembly. The appointment will be a major factor in the implementation of
the Nairobi Declaration. It will also provide a framework to assist the TFIs
of Somalia and their leadership to work together for the full implementation
of the Declaration.
Meanwhile, Sheikh Sharif, the
head of the Djibouti faction of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of
Somalia (ARS-D) visited Jowhar and Belet Weyne this week, in his first visit
to Somalia in nearly two years. The regions of Middle Shebelle and Hiiraan
make up a visible constituency for the ARS-Djibouti faction. He and his
seven man delegation met with a warm welcome in both towns. He will be
meeting supporters inside Somalia and is expected to visit a number of other
towns. His trip will add impetus to the pressure for the implementation of
the Djibouti Agreement, emphasized by the Declaration of the extraordinary
Nairobi summit. Both the Agreement and the Declaration speak of the need for
a unity government to be established within ninety days. Ethiopia continues
to do whatever is possible to ensure this is carried out. However, failure
to abide strictly by the provisions of the Nairobi Declaration and the
Djibouti agreement will have further implications for Ethiopia’s role in
Somalia. It is normally overlooked that the continued presence of Ethiopia
in Somalia has financial implications which Ethiopia might not be able to
sustain for too long, and Ethiopia’s concerns in this regard have been
quietly communicated to its partners.
A European Parliamentary
delegation on a fact finding mission to the Horn of Africa visited
Ethiopia from 31 October to 1 November, after visits to Eritrea and
Djibouti. In Ethiopia, the three person delegation was joined by Mr. Hans
Pottering, President of the EU Parliament, who was, coincidentally, in
Addis Ababa on a visit to the African Union. The mission's purpose was to
look at the possible role the EU might play in supporting peace,
sustainable development, food security and good governance in a regional
context. The delegation held meetings with high level Ethiopian government
officials, including the Prime Minister and the Speaker of the Parliament,
and met with representatives of opposition parties, civil society
organizations and of international organizations based in Addis Ababa,
including the Executive Secretary of IGAD. The delegation had a working
lunch with Dr Tekeda Alemu, State Minister for Foreign Affairs, and had
meetings with the Human Rights Commissioner and the Director General of
the Ombudsman's office who briefed the delegation with regard to
developments in their respective offices. The Prime Minister briefed the
delegation on present challenges to regional peace and security, and on
issues of food security and the democratization process. They agreed the
present status of the EU- Ethiopian partnership was going smoothly. The
Speaker informed the delegation about the process of political reform, the
preparations for the 2010 election and the Inter-Party Dialogue in which
the ruling party engaged in consultation with the opposition outside the
context of parliament. He also explained the new parliamentary procedures
which include opposition participation in all parliamentary standing
committees, and which provide for an opposition day and for question time
in the parliamentary calendar. He stressed that the opposition failed to
make good use of these developments, and requested EU support to build up
opposition parliamentary capacity. The Speaker expressed his confidence
that institutional changes since 2005 would make the 2010 elections as
democratic and fair as possible. He expressed the hope that the recent
media law, the law on party financing and the improved electoral law would
contribute to this effect. The State Ministers of Finance and Economic
Development, Trade and Industry, and Agriculture and Rural Development
detailed the government's significant investment in reducing poverty,
developing human resources, and in expanding infrastructure. They
underlined the efforts to attract foreign direct investment, and expressed
appreciation for the meaningful support that the EU has provided to
Ethiopia. The Minister of Health and the State Minister of Education also
briefed the delegation on the design and implementation of the highly
successful Health Sector Development Program, which focuses on primary
health care. Ethiopia is on course to achieve the Millennium Development
Goal for health, and has had spectacular successes in reducing
malaria-related deaths and illness. In the education sector, greatest
progress is taking place in access to primary education. Ethiopia has now
achieved 97% primary school enrollment.
**********
On October 25th
President Issayas addressed yet another letter to UN Secretary-General Ban
Ki-Moon making, once again, a number of inaccurate claims against Ethiopia
and other parties. The letter was sent to the Secretary-General the day
after the President of Djibouti had addressed the Security Council on
Eritrea’s seizure of Djibouti territory earlier in the year and its attack
on Djibouti forces in June. President Issayas’ response, typically, makes
virtually no effort to respond to President Ismail Omar Guellah but
devotes almost all the content to a report from the former Chairman of the
Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission to the Secretary-General in September
outlining the completion of the Commission’s administrative tasks. In
fact, the Boundary Commission dissolved itself a year ago and any attempt
by Eritrea to resurrect it cannot be sustained. Indeed, this final report,
and its circulation, was ill-advised. It has allowed Eritrea to try and
use the EEBC, despite the termination of its mandate, to continue to
obstruct any valid demarcation of the border in accordance with
international law. It is now clear that Eritrea’s obsession with the
detail of the boundary is designed to avoid the comprehensive and lasting
peaceful settlement of the dispute which was called for in the Algiers
Agreements and is necessary for the peace and stability to which Ethiopia
is committed. Eritrea deliberately enforced the humiliating withdrawal of
the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea in early 2007,
illegally occupying the Temporary Security Zone and violating the Algiers
Agreements which ended the war started by Eritrea in May 1998. Eritrea
also now appears to be using the defunct EEBC, despite its dissolution
last year, as a means to divert attention from its increasing exposure as
a centre of destabilization in the Horn of Africa. In his letter to the
Secretary General, President Issayas devotes nine paragraphs to the EEBC
and no more than two to Djibouti, despite President Ismail’s detailed
itemization of the invasion of Djibouti by Eritrea earlier in the year and
Eritrea’s subsequent refusal to respond to any and all efforts to persuade
it to withdraw its forces from Djibouti territory. Eritrea has not only
refused to withdraw, it has refused to accept a UN fact-finding mission,
and made a series of futile and, indeed, outrageous assertions against
Ethiopia and other parties. This is typical of President Issayas’ approach
to such criticisms, not disputing the claims against Eritrea but merely
ignoring them and making other irrelevant allegations. Ethiopia believes
that the time has come that the international community can no longer
accept Eritrea’s attempts to avoid its responsibilities for regional
destabilization. Eritrea really must now abide by the decisions of the
United Nations Security Council and the African Union, and withdraw its
forces from Djibouti, or face the consequences outlined by the Security
Council. What is most important is that the international community now
takes seriously the destabilization activities of Eritrea and the acts of
terrorism which Eritrea continue to support , not only in Somalia but in
Ethiopia as well.
A conference on regional
security policy in the Greater Horn of Africa was held in Cairo last week.
It was the fourth such conference organized by a German NGO, the Friedrich
Ebert Stiftung foundation. Participants included representatives from the
African Union, the League of Arab States, the German, Ethiopian and Somali
Foreign Ministries, Southern Sudan's Ministry of Irrigation, and the
Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development in Bonn,
Friedrich Ebert-Stiftung offices in Germany, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the
Sudan, UNECA, the European Union, Transparency International, the
International Crisis Group, the Nile Basin Initiative Secretariat, and
various think tanks and institutes including the Al-Ahram Center for
Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo, the Center for Policy Research
and Dialogue in Addis Ababa and Kenya's National Commission on Human
Rights. Six panels dealt with Western Sudan, the Horn of Africa, State
building and social inclusion, the Nile water and resource management,
South Sudan and Northern Uganda; Secession and trans-border issues.
The root problem in Western
Sudan, as in the conflicts in Chad and the Central African Republic, was
identified as the way the political culture of these countries focus only on
development for the benefit of the group in power. The solution suggested
was a need to find an institutional political system to allow an effective
sharing of resources. In Darfur, participants felt the need for coherence
and coordination between all international actors who should get beyond
their own organizational interests and create a space for the Sudanese to
find their own solutions. The ICC issue should be separated from the issue
of peace in the Sudan. State-building and social inclusion, and Secession
and trans-border issues were discussed in detail. Ethiopia's ethnic federal
structure was identified as ‘the best conflict management device with its
promise of shared power and space for multiple identities/loyalties’. The
representative of the ICG did not agree, characterizing it as a continuation
of narrow ethnic group domination, and calling Ethiopia “the most unstable
country in Africa”. No one else agreed and other participants cited evidence
of stability and development in all the regional components of Ethiopia's
federal structure. Indeed, Somalia and Kenya, and even other countries in
the region and beyond, were recommended to follow such a federal structure
as the recipe for successful state building and resource sharing as a way
out of current predicaments. The Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) attracted
considerable discussion. There was agreement on the need to build confidence
among riparian states, particularly between Ethiopia and Egypt, to make the
NBI an effective organization, to discontinue unilateral development, and on
the necessity to deal with the unmet development programs of NBI member
states. In conclusion a number of actions were recommended as ways forward
to help achieve regional security. These included the need to practice good
governance characterized by a responsible and participatory approach; for
governments to engage their populations in a dialogue; increase the role of
civil society; establish a system of conflict management; create
cross-border cooperation; and expand regional trade.
The most hotly discussed
issues were the conflicts in the Horn, the Ethio-Eritrean border, the
Eritrean invasion of Djibouti, and conflicts in Somalia. Dr. Annette Weber,
from the Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin, presented
a provocative paper which minimized the threat of terrorism in the Horn of
Africa and anticipated much of what the ICG representative was to say. In
the extensive discussion it generated the most outspoken comments came from
the representative of the Brussels based International Crisis Group. He
surprised other participants by taking an identical line to that of the
Eritrean Government, arguing the need for Ethiopia to withdraw from
“occupied Eritrean territories”, and claiming the 'virtual' demarcation
decision of the Boundary Commission was final and legal and, ignoring the
numerous anomalies acknowledged by the Boundary Commission, claimed it
should be endorsed by the UN Security Council. He also claimed Ethiopia’s
‘invasion’ of Somalia was intended to balkanize Somalia, that any claim of a
terrorist threat to Ethiopia’s security was a fabrication in collaboration
with the US, and that there was no border conflict between Eritrea and
Djibouti and claims of this were no more than a US invention. Participants
and organizers were surprised by the complete association of the
International Crisis Group with the position of the Eritrean government and
the ICG representative's comments were strongly challenged, indeed refuted,
by participants from Ethiopia and by other discussants. Surprisingly, the
ICG continues to be unconcerned by its credibility in the region.
**********
Some readers may recall
that in the 29 August edition of the Week in the Horn we ventured to point
out the unbalanced nature of Press TV's coverage on Somalia in particular
with reference to reporting on Ethiopian troops there. Press TV is, of
course, an Iranian international news network broadcaster. It claims to
deliver unbiased reporting of global news. Regrettably, as we itemized
then, its reports, particularly on Somalia, are often not only inaccurate
and unsubstantiated but even, in some cases, outright inventions. Its
latest coverage of Somalia continues these inaccuracies. On October 29,
Press TV headlined a story "Massive Blasts Rock North Somalia". The report
spoke of three explosions in Hargeisa and two in Bosasso. It claimed over
41 had been killed in Bosasso, in contrast to the generally accepted
figure of 2; and that at least 23 people had died in the Hargeisa blasts,
one being the Ethiopian ambassador to Somaliland. The truth is that four
Ethiopian Trade Mission staff as well as a number of Somalilanders queuing
for visas were killed, but Ethiopia’s Trade Commissioner, Ambassador
Woubshet Demissie was not killed, he was not even in the building at the
time. Press TV never bothered to check what had happened with the
Ethiopian authorities, claiming the authenticity of its sources without
any qualification. It bears exactly the hallmark of sloppy even unbalanced
reporting. A series of similarly inaccurate stories on fighting in
Somalia have appeared in recent weeks. Stories have been headlined “Somali
clashes kill 40 Ethiopian troops” (October 26), “Somali violence leaves 86
soldiers, most Ethiopians, dead” (October 23), and Somali clashes leave
scores killed” (October 13). In all these cases the Press TV correspondent
is repeating Al-Shabaab sources, and making no effort to find any witness,
independent or otherwise, or contact Ethiopian officials for their account
of the alleged incidents. In all three cases, Press TV’s account grossly
exaggerates the numbers killed, and completely ignores any terrorist
deaths. There was in fact no attempt to check Ethiopia's version or
authenticate these terrorist claims. What is disturbing about Press TV is
less the continuation of erroneous and unbalanced reporting than its
persistent anti-Ethiopian bias. Whatever its motives, Press TV seems
intent on producing sensationalist and unbalanced reporting in terms of
news from Africa. It appears to be taking on the mantle of the ‘Western’
media, despite its position as a news outlet from the developing world and
indeed from a friendly country! Inaccurate Ethiopia-bashing is unbecoming
to Press TV’s image and a disservice to its audiences and to the
profession of journalism.
The IGAD Secretariat in
cooperation with the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and GTZ
organized a regional workshop to draw up a Minimum Integration Plan (MIP)
for the IGAD region this week in Addis Ababa. Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya,
Somalia, Sudan and Uganda as well as development partners attended the
workshop. It was held in accordance with the decision by the 12th Ordinary
Summit of the IGAD Heads of State and Government to revitalize IGAD and
enable it to carry out its mandate as an integrated regional entity. The
Summit also directed the Secretariat to undertake an inventory of what has
been achieved so far in terms of regional integration, and make
recommendations on the way forward as well as develop and implement
regional integration programs.
A statement from Foreign
Minister Seyoum was read to the workshop by the head of the Ethiopian
delegation. It pointed out that at the continental level the African Union
and NEPAD have provided a framework for the creation of a peaceful,
prosperous and democratic Africa. It further indicated that this framework
has recognized Regional Economic Communities, including IGAD, as the
building blocs for continental unity. It underscored that at this stage the
main task was therefore to interpret and translate these objectives and
policies into implementable development activities. The statement also
emphasized Ethiopia's commitment to the ideals enshrined in the Treaty
Establishing IGAD. Ethiopia, in its capacity as the Chairman of IGAD, also
chaired the workshop.
The meeting listened to
presentations on the draft IGAD transport, infrastructure, industry and ICT
Project; the World Bank Strategy on Regional Integration for Sub-Saharan
Africa; the IGAD Livestock Policy Initiative Project; and the Minimum
Integration Plan. The workshop deliberated on each of the presentations at a
plenary and broke into the six working groups to further discuss the issues
in a more detailed manner. These groups covered Peace and Security,
Agriculture, Livestock and Food Security, Natural Resources and Environment,
Trade and Macroeconomic policies, Infrastructure and Social Development. At
the end of the workshops, the experts reached a consensus on the need to
establish a Free Trade Area (FTA) in the IGAD region. The workshop has
requested the IGAD Secretariat to present a detailed study to the IGAD
Council of Ministers on the matter as soon as possible.
The workshop demonstrated
that IGAD, one of the weakest economic communities in Africa, is determined
to change its status. Ethiopia, as the current chair, is committed to
contributing to IGAD’s revitalization and effectiveness during its
chairmanship of the organization.
On November 4, 2008 Senator
Barack Obama of Illinois won a historic victory in the US Presidential
election to become the 44th president of the United States of America. His
election represents a major milestone in the history of the United States.
The deep emotions that his victory has aroused can only be explained in
terms of the complex and difficult recent history that the US has had.
President-elect Obama does not appear to be an ordinary politician. His
victory cannot be explained in terms of him as a man of charisma. His has
been an inspirational campaign which has galvanized the youth of America
behind his message for change and unity. His calm and imperturbable
manner has impressed many, including supporters of his political
opponents. One of the messages he conveyed after his victory underlining
what America represents in the world is that America’s strength does not
come from the might of its arms, “but from the enduring power of our
ideals: democracy, liberty and prosperity”. This must give confidence to
all those who count on the US to lead the way towards a world in which
mutual respect among nations and full respect for the principles of
international law predominate, and in which security, stability and
prosperity can flourish. Ethiopia has always maintained close and friendly
relations with the United States. The hope is that this relationship will
continue to be strengthened during the Obama presidency. As Prime Minister
Meles said in his letter of congratulation to the President-elect: “ May I
say that I am personally delighted by your victory not just because of
your links to Africa. You are coming into office at a time when
inspirational leadership is desperately needed in light of the formidable
economic and security problems we all face. I am confident that during
your tenure in office, the longstanding and excellent relations that exist
between our two countries and peoples will continue to be strengthened”.
The last seventeen years
have seen significant shifts in Ethiopia’s domestic political dynamics as
well as in foreign relations. Significant progress has been registered in
both areas. Domestic political dynamics have been characterized by
protection of the basic democratic and human rights of the peoples of
Ethiopia and the pursuit of sustainable economic development to ensure the
alleviation of poverty at both national and household levels. These
policies have been, and are, geared towards addressing the age-old
problems of economic deprivation by ensuring the fullest possible measure
of participation of peoples in the political process. Put simply, the
fight against poverty is front and center. Ethiopia’s foreign policy is
also characterized by the priorities of fighting poverty, and of
maintaining good neighborly relations based on mutual interest and lasting
peace. These ideals, in fact, lie at the very heart of Ethiopia’s foreign
policy – and a lot has been achieved. Unfortunately, Ethiopia is also
situated in one of the roughest neighborhoods in the world. The road
traveled in pursuit of peace and stability has not always been easy.
Despite unstinted efforts to resolve disputes between and among actors in
our region, state and non-state alike, there have unfortunately been times
when Ethiopia has been drawn into conflicts through no fault of its own.
The war with Eritrea and the intervention in Somalia are cases in point.
Despite all the friendly
gestures and peaceful overtures that Ethiopia displayed towards Eritrea
after 1991, the unbridled militarism and bullying tendencies of the Eritrean
regime have stood in the way of Ethiopia’s efforts for peace and stability.
Eritrea’s willingness to experiment with the use of military power to
arm-twist neighboring countries into meeting its demands was what forced
Ethiopia into the war in the first place in May 1998. Even today, almost a
decade after the ceasefire, the Eritrean Government has left no stone
unturned to try to draw Ethiopia into another round of war by numerous
subversive activities aimed at derailing Ethiopia’s development. Eritrea not
only arms dozens of anti-peace elements to try to wreak havoc in the
country, it has also attempted to sabotage stability and create chaos in the
country. All the way through, Ethiopia has chosen to stick to its pacific
stance. The fact that the Government has consistently expressed its
willingness to enter into dialogue with the Eritrean leadership without any
preconditions is a testament to its unwavering stand for peace and the
peaceful resolution of all disputes.
Similarly, on Somalia,
Ethiopia has been consistently following an agenda primarily focused on
ensuring lasting peace and reconciliation among Somalis. Since the EPRDF
government took power in the early 1990s, Ethiopia has hosted nearly a dozen
conferences aimed at bringing the different Somali factions and clans
together for them to hammer out a lasting and workable solution to their
predicament. Meaningful success has been elusive. Among other things the
refusal of various Somali factions to take their responsibilities seriously
has been a significant obstacle to lasting peace in Somalia. Another factor,
if less decisive, has been the interference of external powers for both
geopolitical and ideological reasons. This has had a significant role in
derailing Somali peace processes.
In all this, what has been
paradoxical has been the dominant narrative of the international media,
quick to portray Ethiopia’s role in the sub-region as an extension of the
Ethiopia-Somalia wars of the 1970s. It constantly failed to see the reality
of Ethiopia’s aims and Ethiopia’s manifest commitment to peace and stability
in the region. In this connection some media outlets even went so far as to
suggest Ethiopia intervened in Somalia to impress the Americans or to do
their bidding. It is far from clear why the international media misses the
obvious point that Ethiopia is a pillar for peace in the region and has a
strong commitment to the principles of international law governing
inter-state relations. Some might attribute all this to Ethiopia’s lack of
effectiveness in public relations. There is some truth in this, but it is
difficult to assume that this provides a full explanation.