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The
Seventeenth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies has been
held in Addis Ababa this week. This meeting is the Golden Jubilee
of the I.C.E.S. whose first meeting was held in Rome in 1959 with
just over 30 scholars attending, only one from Ethiopia. This is
the fifth time the Conference has been held in Addis Ababa, the
other meetings being in 1966 (3rd Conference), 1984 (8th), 1991
(11th) and 2000(14th). Hundreds of scholars from Ethiopia and from
all over the world now attend what has become easily the largest
and most important meeting of Ethiopian studies.
Foreign Minister
Seyoum spoke at the opening of this week's meeting, held at the
Akaki Campus of Addis Ababa University, welcoming delegates to the
Conference's Golden Jubilee. He noted that delegates to the I.C.E.S.
Meetings had seen many changes in Ethiopia over the half-century,
most notably since 1991 with the introduction of a democratic
constitution and a federal government founded on universal
democratic values and norms, the basis of the new Ethiopia. Looking
back eighteen years, the minister noted there had then been
uncertainty, even apprehension, about the future of Ethiopia as it
became obvious the country could not continue with its former
relationship between the centre and the regions, and the lack of
rights and privileges for the nationalities and peoples of the
state. Today, he stressed, things were very different. Ethiopia was
moving on a fundamentally different trajectory. It had never been so
ready as it was today to defend its legitimate interests, to be a
reliable ally to its partners and able to take advantage of the
opportunities available.
Certainly
Ethiopia would be unable to overcome all sources of vulnerability as
long as its democratization is sufficiently broadened and the war on
poverty has succeeded. In the economic sphere, growth over the
previous six years had been unprecedented in Ethiopia's modern
history. There was no reason why this should not continue. The
Government did not claim to have achieved food security yet. It was
a daunting task further complicated by the effects of worsening
climate change. Equally, the agricultural sector was in the middle
of a huge transformation; health and education sectors appeared in
line to achieve the Millennium Goals by 2015. There had been
impressive growth in tertiary education sector with the creation of
new universities. Here, the minister said, involvement of friends of
Ethiopia would be critical for quality improvement.
The minister
emphasized that Ethiopia could never be properly viable or secure
without “high quality democratic government” allowing for full
ownership and popular participation, and based on full and genuine
commitment to the individual and group rights, the values and
principles on which the Constitution was based. The minister said
that greater progress would have been made towards the strengthening
of democracy had post-election problems not occurred in 2005. This
was a subject yet to be given fair and objective academic scrutiny,
but even so lessons had been learnt. One obvious example was the
Election Code of Conduct and its Implementation Mechanism agreed
only a few days earlier by four of the political parties. This,
Minister Seyoum underlined, was an important indication of the
development of critical traits such as tolerance, mutual respect,
adherence to principles of give-and-take, and the rule of law; in
fact, the very foundations of a democratic political culture, the
vision driving the Government for the last eighteen years. Ethiopia,
the Horn of Africa, or indeed Africa, cannot allow this process to
be reversed.
Minister Seyoum
said the support of the friends of Ethiopia was critical, even
indispensable, to deal with the many challenges the Horn of Africa
and Ethiopia still faced. He adduced Somalia, where Eritrea's
'spoiling' behaviour continued to help provide a space in which
extremism could thrive, and the way that absolutely anything,
however outrageous, might be reported about the region without any
loss of credibility. All this, the Minister concluded, emphasized
the point that scholars and academics, and legislative and executive
practitioners, should work together in good faith to ensure that
Ethiopia, its people, and indeed Africa as a whole, could continue
to thrive.
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This week, leaders of Somalia's main Sufi movement, Ahlu Sunna wal
Jama'a, have been holding an unprecedented conference in Nairobi
to discuss further response to the activities of Al-Shabaab.
Nairobi was chosen as the venue to allow Somali Sufi leaders
living in western countries to attend as well as those from
Somalia itself. Ahlu Sunna's chairman, Sheikh Sharif Muhieddin
Eli, described Al-Shabaab as “misguided people who have
misunderstood the true values of Islam.” Ahlu Sunna took up arms
last year when Al-Shabaab started hunting down Sufi leaders and
desecrating Sufi graves particularly in and around Kismayo which
Al-Shabaab currently controls.
Ahlu Sunna's chairman says his forces are not a regular army but a
force dedicated to defending themselves and other Somalis whose
way of life is threatened by Al-Shabaab. Ahlu Sunna
which has signed a MOU with the TFG on
cooperation between the two parties
has successfully driven
Al-Shabaab out of large areas of central Somalia.
Ahlu Sunna has partly
gained support from
the violent punishments being inflicted by Al-Shabaab in the towns
they control as Al-Shabaab attempts to impose its authority
through violence and the threat of violence. Al-Shabaab militants
have recently publicly executed two teenagers as alleged spies;
alleged thieves have had their hands and feet cut off. Women
accused of adultery have been flogged and stoned; in some areas
those failing to wear socks or even bras have been whipped. Men
have been arrested and beaten for chewing khat; barbers threatened
with death for trimming beards. Local populations have been made
to watch the more extreme punishments carried out in public. Most
recently Al-Shabaab has even turned its attention to trying to
stop relief supplies from the 'wrong' source. It has banned the
World Food Programme from distributing any relief supplies which
come from some countries.
Sheikh Muktar Robow, Al-Shabaab’s leader in Bay and Bakool regions
has told WFP it cannot hand out any foodstuffs bearing US flags
and told people “to stop being dependent upon assistance from
infidels”. There are over three million Somalis currently needing
food aid, and one in five children are malnourished.
Meanwhile, Al-Shabaab has also been trying to emphasize its own
strength and importance. Last weekend, it carried out a roadside
bomb attack in Las Anod in Somaliland which killed a senior
security officer and four others, and a grenade attack in Bosasso
in Puntland, demonstrating its reach within Somali areas. It has
also now threatened to extend its attacks to a number of countries
around. Prominent among them were Uganda and Burundi who provide
the 5,200 troops of AMISOM. Kenya and Djibouti have also been
threatened. An Al-Shabaab spokesman in Juba region said on October
25th “we have recently said our fighters will do horrible actions
in the cities of Uganda and Burundi, and now we are informing the
governments of Kenya and Djibouti to stop offering training to
Somalia soldiers or else they will see the consequence in their
respective countries.” Djibouti, which has been training Somali
security forces, recently announced it was also planning to send
troops to join AMISOM. Last weekend Ambassador Robleh, Djibouti's
new ambassador to Somalia, submitted his credentials to President
Sheikh Sharif. He was welcomed to Mogadishu by the President who
praised Djibouti’s efforts to resolve Somalia's problems and
welcomed this sign of solidarity. The President said that if the
international community was serious in its statements of support
to the TFG to stem the savage attacks of the extremist opposition,
then they should follow the example of Djibouti and send their
diplomatic representatives to Mogadishu.
Al-Shabaab has not confined its latest threats to Kenya and
Djibouti. Some of the
others
in
their list include Ethiopia, Ghana
and South
Africa. The surprise here is
because Eritrea
happens to be one
of the main supporters of the extremist groups in Somalia. It's
inclusion in any list of Al-Shabaab enemies appears to be a rather
clumsy effort by Al-Shabaab to distance itself from Eritrea,
presumably at the latter's request to try and divert some of the
pressure for sanctions against Eritrea for its role as a “spoiler”
in Somalia. It isn't likely to carry much weight. Only a couple of
months ago, Eritrea leapt to the support of Al-Shabaab when four
of its members were arrested in Australia and accused of planning
a suicide attack on an Australian army base in Sydney. Eritrea
immediately discounted the incident and described the Australian
announcement as “a CIA invention”. There have also been reports
this week that a group of senior military commanders from the
other main extremist opposition group, Hizbul Islam, headed by
Sheikh Hassan Dahir 'Aweys', have gone to Eritrea for military
training. Sheikh 'Aweys' himself, of course, took refuge in Asmara
in early 2007 and stayed there until flown down to Mogadishu in
April this year together with sufficient arms supplies to join Al-Shabaab
in their failed joint attempt to seize power in Mogadishu in May.
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The 5th
extraordinary meeting of the Council of Ministers of Defence and
Security of the Eastern Africa Standby Brigade (EASBRIG) was held
on Tuesday, 3 November, in Addis Ababa. It was preceded, on the
previous day, by a meeting of the Eastern Africa Chiefs of Defence
Staff. The Council of Ministers of Defence meeting was chaired by
the Hon. Mohammed Bacar Dossar, Minister of Defence of the Union
of the Comoros, and was attended by defence ministers from
Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Rwanda and the Transitional Federal
Government of Somalia, as well as government representatives from
Kenya, Uganda, Seychelles and the Sudan.
Ethiopia's
Foreign Minister, Ato Seyoum gave an opening keynote address on
the daunting challenges to peace and security in East Africa.
Somalia, of course, is the most serious and Minister Seyoum
emphasized that it had long ago ceased to be a conflict between
Somalis and been hijacked by foreign fighters whose agenda went
far beyond Somalia and the region. He noted that the African Union
and IGAD has been doing what they could to the limit of their
capacity to assist the TFG in Somalia, and praised the sacrifices
made by Uganda and Burundi as part of AMISOM. Minister Seyoum said
the strong commitment of the region to peace in Somalia and the
low priority given to the unfolding crisis in Somalia by the
international community was a stark reminder of the need to
strengthen regional and continental peace and security mechanisms.
He affirmed the establishment and operational activity of EASBRIG
as part of the AU African Standby Brigade was of critical
importance. The upcoming Joint Force Training Exercise planned in
Djibouti at the end of this year would lay a solid foundation for
this. The goal of a peaceful and secure East Africa wasn't
impossible but it required ever stronger coordination and
cooperation among countries of the region. In the context of
EASBRIG, this had to be done in line with the instructions and
guidance given by the Heads of State and Government in the
Memorandum of Understanding signed in April 2005 when EASBRIG was
established. Minister Seyoum assured the meeting that Ethiopia
remained committed to the objectives of EASBRIG and was determined
to ensure its success.
The agenda of
the Defence Ministers' meeting included the forthcoming Joint
Force Training Exercise, the criteria of selection for the
secretariat of EASBRIG Director, the rotation of senior positions
in the organization and the proposed Revised Policy Framework
document, intended to transform the organization's structures,
powers and functions. Ethiopia confirmed its participation in the
Joint Force Training Exercise starting November 28. It would take
full responsibility for transporting its contingent and equipment
to the exercise area, and had authorized payment of part of its
obligations to the organization. The meeting agreed, following the
recommendations of the Experts Working Group, that the appointment
of Director should be made on a rotational basis, following the
English alphabetical order of member states. Burundi was asked to
submit the names of candidates to the next policy meeting in
January.
The Defence
Ministers also considered the revised Policy Framework document
together with a position paper from Ethiopia which argued that the
proposal violated the memorandum of understanding signed by the
Heads of State and Government when they established the
organization. The proposal provides EASBRIG with a mandate far
beyond force generation and preparation, and the Sudan, Djibouti
and Somalia, as well as Ethiopia, have expressed objections. As no
consensus has been reached despite two years of discussion, the
ministers decided that member states should submit their positions
in writing by 17 November, and that the Chair should produce a
detailed report explaining the areas of contention, and that the
matter be forwarded for final decision to the planned summit in
January next year. It is now expected the summit will provide
clear and unequivocal instructions on a contentious issue that has
been a source of distraction to the organization, and finally
close the matter.
All in all, the meetings were very
successful indeed, opening the way for further strengthening of
this process which has enormous significance for peace and
security for the East African region.
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Peace along
the Kenya-Ethiopia border is a key concern for the pastoralists
straddling the border and affected by the lack of sufficient
resources, water and pasture, for their livelihood and secondly by
the actions of the OLF in the border area. Conflicts between the
communities resulting in loss of lives and property have continued
no matter how excellent relations between the two countries are.
As a result, various initiatives have been undertaken over
conflict mitigation, prevention and resolution by both governments
and through the Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN-IGAD)
and various other agencies. It was CEWARN which organized this
latest three day cross-border meeting in Moyale this week,
attended by government representatives, members of the two
national CEWERU (Conflict Early
Warning and Response Unit)
structures, local administration officials, representatives of the
civil society, peace committee members, community leaders and
elders. The aims were to evaluate the situation along the border,
propose a sub-regional peace framework identifying various
cross-border initiatives and structures, including existing CEWERU
structures, and their focal points, as well as identify ongoing
community peace initiatives and inform participants about the
establishment of a cross border framework.
The meeting
was addressed by the Minister of Federal Affairs of the FDRE, Dr.
Shiferaw Tekle Mariam, and Kenya's
State Minister
for the Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands of the
Republic of Kenya, Mr. Mohamed Ibrahim Elmi. Mr. Mohamed referred
to the Kenyan strategy to deal with inter-communal conflict, on
the basis that the sole responsibility of any state is to protect
its citizens, that all politicians should spearhead the search for
peace, that the communities must change any attitudes, practices
and beliefs which perpetuate violence, and finally that the
government would put in place a comprehensive regional policy to
facilitate collaboration and coordination between neighboring
states. The State Minister also emphasized the need for changing
attitudes, cultural practices and beliefs that perpetuated
violence. This could be effectively addressed through a sustained
peace campaign and education of the local communities. He
emphasized the need for states to adopt and implement regional
policies to facilitate collaboration and coordination between the
neighboring states. With reference to the pastoral regions of the
Somali cluster, the State Minister recommended constructive and
comprehensive engagement with the communities using the right
actors.
Dr. Shiferaw
recalled the aim of CEWARN was to be a functional, effective and
sustainable sub-regional framework to provide conflict early
warning and response and to foster cooperation among the member
states of IGAD and relevant stakeholders, enhancing peaceful
settlement of disputes and responding appropriately to potential
or actual violent conflicts. He emphasized that the Ethiopian
CEWERU structures established at national, regional/district and
local levels have been trying to address these issues. Two recent
projects have been a program to inform the different CEWERU
components of their objectives, duties and responsibilities, and a
revitalization of local peace committees in the Somali cluster.
This has included the reinforcement of previously established
peace committees and the creation of new peace committees at the
kebele level. All this, the Minister emphasized, can only succeed
if supported and coordinated with counterparts on the other side
of the border. So Ethiopia's CEWERU,in coordination with the
CEWARN office, has drafted a document on cross-border modalities
to include a cross-border framework and a sub-regional council for
each cluster. He believed the meeting would be able to create such
cross-border linkages.
The meeting
concluded on Wednesday with harmonized strategies for peace
building initiatives between the two countries and within the
CEWARN Somali cluster. It was agreed to facilitate continuous and
enhanced information exchanges between the relevant stakeholders,
and put in place enhanced mechanisms for early warning responses
to conflict, and for conflict mitigation, prevention and
management along the Ethio-Kenya Somali cluster. A joint
collaborative framework between corresponding CEWERU peace
committees is to be formulated. This can be expected to be
endorsed at the next CEWARN policy meeting.
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Last month,
Ethiopia was elected to the prestigious twenty-one member World
Heritage Committee of the United Nations Educational Scientific
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The election for twelve vacant
seats took place during the 17th Session of the General
Assembly of State Parties to the Convention concerning the
Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage at UNESCO
Headquarters in Paris, from 23 to 28 October. It indicates
Ethiopia’s commitment to both the International Convention on
World Heritage sites and their conservation. Ethiopia in fact has
the largest number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Africa. It
ratified the World Heritage Convention as long ago as 1977.
There are
seven Ethiopian cultural sites on the World heritage list. They
include the ruins of the ancient city of Axum near Ethiopia's
northern border, the heart of ancient Ethiopia when Axum was the
most powerful state between the Eastern Roman Empire and Persia.
The ruins, including the monolithic obelisks and giant stelae date
from 100-700 AD. The second largest of the stelae was re-erected
last year following its return from Italy. Other World Heritage
sites are the 17th and 18th century castles
at Gondar, and the sacred Muslim city of Harar. Jugol with its
walls built between the 13th and 16th centuries, and its 82
mosques and 102 shrines and the town houses with exceptional
interior design constituting the most spectacular part of Harar's
cultural heritage. There are the eleven monolithic rock hewn
churches of Lalibela dating back to the 12th and 13th
centuries, the prehistoric site of Tiya with its more than thirty
carved stelae, and the notable prehistoric sites in the lower
valleys of the Awash and the Omo. It was, of course, in the lower
Awash valley where remains date back four million years, that the
remains of Lucy were discovered in 1974. Ethiopia also has one
natural heritage site: the Simien National Park where massive
erosion has created one of the most spectacular landscapes in the
world, with jagged mountain peaks, deep valleys and sharp
precipices dropping some 1,500 meters and home to some of the
world's rarest animals.
Ethiopia's
election to the World Heritage Committee coincided with the Golden
Jubilee of the International Conference of Ethiopian Studies held
in Addis Ababa this week. As has been underlined in the first item
of this publication of the Week in the Horn, Foreign Minister
Seyoum lauded the significant contribution of the Conferences over
the previous fifty years to the study of Ethiopia's long history
and culture. Ethiopia's election to the World Heritage Committee
will undoubtedly open new avenues to inform the wider global
audience of its historical and cultural contribution to world
civilization. It is a contribution that the research and studies
publicised at the International Conference of Ethiopian Studies
will, we are sure, continue to produce in the years ahead.
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The Code of Conduct for Political Parties, agreed between four
political parties last week, is a major step forward in
encouraging Ethiopia's democratic processes. The agreement was
signed by the party leaders: Prime Minister Meles Zenawi for the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ato
Ayele Chamiso
for the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), Engineer
Hailu Shawel for the All Ethiopia Unity Organization (AEUO), and
Ato Lidetu
Ayalew for the Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP). It's the first
time in Ethiopian history,
political parties have signed up to such a legal framework
covering canvassing, voting, mediation, and ways to handle
violence and corruption. It is a pre-election agreement and it
will be enforceable, underlining the commitment of the parties
involved to a peaceful and fair election. A
council
has been established to oversee implementation of the agreement.
Prime Minister Meles said the agreement opens a new chapter,
putting the parties on an equal footing, and he hoped all other
parties would follow suit. The Code of Conduct has been widely
welcomed by members of the public, local media and by Ethiopia's
partners who have been closely following the process. UK‘s
Ambassador, Norman Ling, said the Code had been formulated on the
model of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral
Assistance and was of international standard. It laid the
foundations for a successful national election on May 23, 2010 and
its main principles allow the election to be free, fair and
democratic. Campaigning is due to start on December 8. Ambassador
Ling said there was an opportunity for those parties which had not
yet signed the agreement to participate in future discussions, and
sign up before the Code becomes law.
The four signatories immediately opened discussions with the other
registered parties on the Code of Conduct. The first meeting was
successful in allowing other parties to enrich the document with
their contributions. It was agreed these parties would be given
sufficient opportunity to prepare their reactions and these would
be discussed at a later meeting to be held at the National
Election Board offices under the chairmanship of the NEB. One
Coalition of parties designated
as Forum has yet to
decide if it wants to contribute to this impressive and inclusive
initiative or to continue to remain mired in indecision.
The violent opposition and its small
supporters
predictably have also been
upset by the
successful achievement of the Code of Conduct and the process
which led up to it. Almost all
who are committed to the realization of a fully democratic
Ethiopia have seen this
historic achievement
as
important political
milestone in Ethiopian politics.
Continued elucidation and development of the text for the Code of
Conduct is largely being left to the political parties themselves
though there will also be some subsequent input from the House of
Peoples’ Representatives. It is worth noting that even before it
is enacted as law, the Code has already made its mark on the
political life of the country. The process of negotiations over
the Code set a major precedent providing an exemplary effort in
political accommodation and compromise, providing a real win-win
outcome. It sets the tone and a solid foundation for free, fair,
peaceful and credible national elections. The significance of four
political parties engaging constructively, despite their
considerable political differences, and without preconditions, to
devise rules to bind themselves and eventually others into the
electoral process, cannot be over-emphasized.
Among the most important aspects of the Code and its
implementation are the modalities contributing to the building of
the institutions of democratic governance in Ethiopia. Foremost of
these is the undertaking in the preamble, repeated in the Code's
detailed contents, that all agree to encourage respect for the
Constitution and abide by its tenets and by the rule of law. This
is emphasized in a number of ways. The signatories expressly
agreed to respect the rule of law and to demonstrate respect for
human rights. They emphasized the critical contribution they will
make to the success of the upcoming election. They noted their
responsibility to continuously educate and train the general
public and political parties. They also undertook to work together
in discharging their common responsibility to enable judicial
bodies, organs, the Election Board, the Police, and regional
administration provide impartial and independent service to the
public. They highlighted the roles and responsibilities of the
National Defence Force, the reserve force and local militia in
safeguarding the unity of the people and the sovereignty of the
country - the Constitution, of course, enshrines the principle
that the Defence Force discharges its responsibilities free from
partisan politics. The parties also agreed to work together to
make sure that public services provide support in an equal and
impartial manner to all parties. Under the agreement proposed in
the Implementation Mechanism for the Code, financial support is to
be given to all political parties.
The various principles and standards agreed for the conduct of the
political parties during the election process amount to real
milestones for the growth of democracy in Ethiopia. The parties
have codified their ideals of accommodation and tolerance, the
need to pursue civilized, democratic and peaceful struggle, as
well as good faith and compromise as a foundation for governing.
The potential for a radical transformation of political discourse
is obvious. They will base their conduct on the will of all
citizens of the country to live in equality, fraternity and unity,
and on the determination of the parties to respect the outcome of
elections conducted according to the laws of the country. They
have emphasized the need to apply the highest standards of conduct
and to reject any attempts to assume power through
unconstitutional means. They have stressed the need to strive to
ensure respect for the freedom of the press for its critical
contribution to human rights, to democracy, the rule of law and
the overall development of society. The Code provides for the
principles applicable to a multi-party electoral system, and for
respect for the law as well as the details of conduct to be
observed during campaigning, balloting and collection of results.
The parties have also made a total commitment to abide by the Code
and by the related implementation mechanism
drawn up to ensure
its observance. This undertaking starts with the determination to
take corrective measures as soon as any opposition political party
raises well-founded claims that members or supporters have
encountered problems. They have agreed to establish a Joint
Council as a permanent body with a mandate to implement the Code
of Conduct, to resolve any and all problems that might arise
during its implementation and to deliberate on ways and means of
entrenching democracy, human rights and rule of law. The
determination to ensure scrupulous implementation of both the
letter and the spirit of the Code is a clear departure from past
recrimination and mutual distrust. It means the ground is now
firmly prepared for everyone to participate and to enrich a most
promising start to next year's election.
It would be remiss of the Week in the
Horn if it failed to underline one important point here and that
relates to the behavior of the Coalition already referred to which
has so far declined to embrace the Code of Conduct. This raises a
very fundamental issue with respect to the responsibility for the
consolidation of democracy of those who benefit from the existence
of democracy and democratic institutions. The Horn of Africa is a
region where at present a major struggle is being conducted
between two approaches to governance-that
based on the will of the people, the rule of law and that which
depends on intimidation, extremist politics.
The struggle with respect to which
approach would develop and consolidate legitimacy is a major
historical challenge faced by the people of our region. It is from
that perspective that the position being taken by the various
parties in Ethiopia towards the Code of Conduct should be viewed
and assessed.
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