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The
change in Ethiopia that took place eighteen years ago and which we
celebrated this week has had a major impact on the lives of the
Ethiopian people and on their future. It is impossible to contest the
fact that in terms of economic development and the building of
infrastructure, what has been carried out over the last eighteen years
is by far greater than what had been achieved by all Ethiopian
Governments combined in the course of the modern history of the country prior to 1991.
But what is usually
overlooked is the fact that it is in fact in the political area that the
progress that the country has made over the last eighteen years, has
been so historic and momentous. It is only since eighteen years ago that
Ethiopians for the first time in their history have had the opportunity
to enjoy political rights which have made it possible for them to see
their leaders criticized openly, either in parliament or in the media,
sometimes in ways which some would regard as less than decent and civil.
The federal system which celebrates the diversity and equality of the
various nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia, was ushered in,
by May 28. This has not only ensured equality among nations,
nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia, but it has also solidified the
unity of the country, making it structurally impossible to create rifts
among the peoples of Ethiopia that would be fatal to the nation.
Reckless politicians may never cease trying to divide nations, but
what eventually prevails is the truth, but truth which is not bereft of
vigilance.
Let it be said
immediately that, with little doubt, Ethiopia's democracy is still young
and fledgling. Humility is therefore in order. Nonetheless, in the light
of the long history of autocracy that the country has experienced, the
eighteen years of democracy that Ethiopia has enjoyed is of great
historic meaning, including in terms of ensuring the viability of the
nation. That autocracy and dictatorial rule almost destroyed Ethiopia
may have been forgotten by some, but that was the real challenge that
had become vivid during the last years of the military government.
May 28 has also real
meaning for the Horn of Africa and for the people of our sub-region,
and, frankly speaking, for Africa as a whole. It is now becoming
incontrovertible, that Ethiopia is one of the pillars for peace,
stability and security in the Horn of Africa. More than eighteen years
ago, during the last years of the Derg regime, it was not a few who had
doubts about the future of Ethiopia. The OAU summit of 1990, in Addis
Ababa, decided to convene the following one in Abuja. That explains why
the 1991 meeting of the African Heads of State and Government had to
take place, as the EPRDF forces were entering Addis Ababa, in the new
capital of Nigeria. It is to be recalled that for many years prior to
1991 all OAU Summits were taking place in Addis Ababa. Why the sudden
change of procedure in 1990 and the decision to take the summit out of
Addis Ababa? It was felt that Ethiopia would not be safe to host OAU
meetings after 1990.
In
the course of the past eighteen years, a country which many thought had
entered into another turbulent period of its history - a period which
might indeed test its very viability - has been able to morph into a
state which many now see as a bulwark and a pillar for peace and
stability in the Horn of Africa, a lynchpin for effective economic
co-operation, and a force for sanity and civility in inter-state
relations in our sub-region.
The Horn of Africa is
one of those regions of the world which is vulnerable to all sorts of
threats, perhaps, among other factors, its proximity to the Middle East
contributing to this sad state of affairs. Add to this the inscrutable
psychological phenomenon that the sub-region has to contend with in the
form of a leadership in Asmara which continues to be a curse for the
region. That in itself would be enough to constitute a formidable source
of instability in any region of the world. That should underscore how
much of a challenge Asmara is to the Horn, thus also the increased
responsibility Ethiopia has come to assume, together with others with
similar commitment, for the peace and stability of the Horn. This is not
limited to what is done in the security area, on the ground. It also
includes political and diplomatic work and the mobilization of opinion
supportive of the creation of conditions for peace and stability. It
might suffice to look at the latest position taken by IGAD and the Peace
and Security Council of the AU on sanctions on Eritrea. As this Week in
the Horn is going to press, the AU PRC (the Permanent Representatives
Committee, consisting of the whole AU Ambassadors) heard the position
taken by the PSC on Eritrea and endorsed it with not even a single
dissenting voice. To reiterate, the Horn is not a safe neighborhood,
but, thanks to May 28, its future cannot be said to be bleak. It will not
be a cake walk, but despite Eritrea and all those who see salvation in Asmara's acts of destabilization, the resolve and joint efforts of the
peoples of the Horn can indeed make our sub-region a source of hope to
its people. With little doubt, without May 28, all this would not have
been possible.
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Two
recent important developments have once again focused attention on the
character and nature of the regime in Asmara. The first of these was
the adoption by the Council of Ministers of the Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia of a measure concerning the property and
interests of Eritrean nationals expelled from Ethiopia during the
conflict in 1998-2000 for reasons of national security. This move by
the Government seeks to provide a legal framework for the resolution
of issues that have been pending on this matter for several years. The
directive does not create new entitlements or rights but provides the
legal basis so that persistent and legitimate concerns can now be
handled. Ethiopia in fact is taking a legal and peaceful measure that
will have a lasting impact in improving people-to-people relations.
This may be something of a surprise to some as it does not match
actions being taken by the regime in Asmara. Some people have wondered
why Ethiopia should take actions that address pending issues with a
particular group of Eritrean nationals with no direct association with
the Eritrean regime or its security apparatus at a time when Eritrea
has been intensifying deliberate acts of destabilization against
Ethiopia and coordinating the actions of international terrorist
groups in the region. In fact, of course, Ethiopia’s actions cannot be
evaluated nor examined in the light of what Asmara may or may not do.
Ethiopia’s actions are not reciprocal. They deal with matters in
Ethiopia that need to be addressed on the basis of the right
principles upheld under Ethiopia's Constitution. Such commitment to
the rule of law is inconceivable in Eritrea which does not even have a
constitution. Any comparison with a country so brutally controlled by
the personal whims of its leader is highly inappropriate.
The second
significant development recently has been the bold action taken by
regional bodies against the regime in Eritrea. First, IGAD unanimously
voted to call for sanctions against Eritrea. This was followed by the
African Union Peace and Security Council asking the United Nations
Security Council to adopt punitive measures against Eritrea for its
active involvement in support of terrorist elements in Somalia against
the TFG and the African Union Peacekeeping force, AMISOM. For any
objective observer this has been long in coming although Eritrea, while
acting surprised, continues to play its spoiling role. Now it is up to
the United Nations Security Council to deliver a remedy which might take
the first step in curing a malaise that began to affect Eritrea almost
immediately after its hard won de jure independence sixteen years ago.
This call by the
regional bodies against one of their own is unprecedented. It is a clear
demonstration that both IGAD and the African Union have exhausted their
patience and lost hope that Eritrea might return to peaceful ways of its
own accord. The United Nations Security Council should be equally well
placed to understand this situation as it has had to deal with similar
transgressions by Eritrea against UNMEE, and more recently, against
Djibouti. The call by the three top international envoys, involved in
the Somali peace process, the UN envoy to Somalia, his AU counterpart
and the facilitator of IGAD on Wednesday May 27 in Nairobi, expressing
their joint support for the position taken on the sanctions against
Eritrea by IGAD ministers and the Peace and Security Council of the AU
show how seriously Eritrea's destabilizing role is taken by the region
and by Africa in general. The world will now be expecting strong,
effective and unambiguously punitive measures to be taken by the Council
against the leadership in Eritrea. Indeed, the Security Council can
hardly afford to fail these regional organizations or the entire people
of the region yet again.
Eritrea's response to
the criticisms has been, as usual, defiant. On Tuesday this week, the
Eritrean Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the AU’s statement
“outrageous”, “illegal and utterly irresponsible”, an “irresponsible and
cynical flouting of the rule of law”, and a “deplorable act ….
symptomatic of the fundamental structural malaise that has gripped the
African Union right from its inception.” In fact, far from being “made
on the basis of groundless accusations” or being “irresponsible”, the
statement, unanimously agreed by the AU’s Peace and Security Council,
was based on extensive and detailed evidence provided by Somali
ministers as well as UN and other sources. One of these sources is
actually one of the main opposition leaders in Somalia, Sheikh Hassan
Dahir ‘Aweys’, now the leader of Hizbul Islam, Al Shabaab’s main ally in
the extremist attacks on the TFG. Sheikh 'Aweys', has openly admitted
that the opposition is being helped by Eritrea, and, of course, Sheikh
‘Aweys’ himself was in Asmara for over two years until he was sent down
to Mogadishu last month, and followed shortly afterwards by several
plane loads of arms supplies. Against such evidence, Eritrean denials of
assisting Al-Shabaab and Sheikh ‘Aweys’ look increasingly threadbare.
******
In his anniversary
speech last Saturday, President
Isaias
made no specific
mention of Somalia though, perhaps recalling terminologies harking back
to the period of anti-apartheid struggle, he did emphasize that Eritrea
would continue what he called its policy of “constructive engagement.”
He spent much of the speech attacking “special interest” groups in the
US for preventing the new administration from bringing about any policy
changes and for having unleashed “ an intensive smear campaign” against
Eritrea to mislead President Obama's government. In previous speeches
and interviews he specifically identified the CIA as largely responsible
for these and other activities. He even brought the CIA into an
interview with Swedish TV, one of some twenty given in the last two
weeks as part of his media offensive, when he claimed the CIA was
largely responsible for everything that he objected to in the world. In
this specific instance, the president was apparently referring to Dawit
Issak, a Swedish journalist of Eritrean origin.
President Isaias'
dismissive and contemptuous attitude towards others, whether individuals
or states, came out very clearly in this and other interviews. Asked
about Dawit's incarceration, in September 2001, he scornfully replied:
"I don't know, I don't even care about where he is or what he is doing".
He then added, in apparent defiance of any usual approach to judicial
matters, let alone normal human rights: "We don't release him, we don't
take him to trial, we know how to deal with him and others like him. We
have our own ways of dealing with that." That certainly appears to be
true; legality and judicial procedures apparently have nothing to do
with the case. The President concluded his interview by criticizing the
Swedish Government for trying to raise Dawit’s case through
representatives of other countries accredited to Eritrea, although he
himself has earlier rebuffed a number of formal official Swedish efforts
to raise the issue with him, he rather undiplomatically added “for me
Sweden is irrelevant."
In his latest
interview, Eritrea’s President has reconfirmed his anti-peace stance. In
an interview with Asharq Al Awsat on 27 May 2009, he rejected any notion
of dialogue with Ethiopia even after the boundary issue is resolved. He
expressed this intransigence in most absolute terms to leave no room for
doubt once again making crystal clear his real agenda is destabilization
of the region than boundary matters.
But, of course, the
bizarre, violent, and uncouth behavior of the Eritrean President has not
left him bereft of followers, including those who claim to save
Ethiopia. As the Eritrean President is being marginalized from the
region, paradoxically some politicians of Ethiopian origin or from
Ethiopia have begun to make Asmara not only their Mecca but also to
adapt the Eritrean leader's agenda of destabilizing Ethiopia that began
around June-July 1998. It is indeed odd for any person with some level
of sanity to believe that the current leadership of Eritrea would have
the desire and the inclination to contribute to the welfare of the
Ethiopian people. The verdict of the countries of the sub-region is an
unambiguously clear: the Eritrean leadership is a danger to the Horn of
Africa.
*****
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The UN
Security Council voted unanimously on Tuesday to extend the mandate of
AMISON for another eight months. The Council also offered for the
first time to provide a more stable source of financing for AMISOM.
According to Britain's U.N. Ambassador, John Sawers, it was the first
time the Security Council had agreed to provide logistical support to
AMISOM and to pay for that through U.N. assessed contributions”.
Ambassador Sawers said he understood the amount involved would be
between US $200 and $300 million for the year. He noted that the money
once agreed within the UN system would be guaranteed for support for
AMISOM. Since the resolution has been under consultation for weeks, it
made not reference to latest development in Somalia, including to the
calls last week by IGAD ministers and the AU Peace and Security
Council for sanctions against Eritrea and its financiers because of
their support for extremist organizations.
Earlier in the week,
President Sheikh Sherif Sheikh Ahmed reiterated that his government was
still trying to reach out to all opposition elements; but some elements,
he said, were linked to Al Qaida and backed by the government of Eritrea
and preferred to bring the country into greater chaos and instability.
He emphasized that the invasion against Somalia was led by the
non-Somalis. Because of the danger looming in Somalia, the president
called upon the people of Somalia and members of the international
community to assist the legitimate government of Somalia. He underlined
that there was no justification for anyone to fight the government.
Shari'a law had already been adopted and reconciliation was the priority
of the TFG. The President welcomed last week's communiqué from the IGAD
Council of Ministers, and its calls for the AU and the UN Security
Council to impose sanctions on those who foment violence and insecurity
in Somalia and, particularly in this regard, the Government of Eritrea
which was requested by the President to stop its intervention in the
internal affairs of Somalia.
At a press conference
in Mogadishu on Wednesday, President Sheikh Sharif underlined the point,
firmly accusing Eritrea of support for the extremist groups. He told
journalists: “We know for sure that the majority of weapons in the hands
of insurgents are coming from Eritrea. Eritrea is very much involved
here. We know that Eritrean officers come here and bring money in cash.”
President Sheikh Sharif said that Asmara's intention in backing
extremists in Somalia was to try to create a base in Somalia where it
could train groups to wage guerrilla war against Ethiopia. Eritrea, he
said, “wants to destabilize Ethiopia from Somalia”.
Meanwhile, the
leadership of the Sufi organization, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama'a, currently
successfully opposing Al-Shabaab in many areas, visited Addis Ababa this
week and held talks with Foreign Minister Seyoum and other Ethiopian
officials. The twelve member delegation explained that Ahlu Sunna Wal
Jama'a had taken up arms against Al Shabaab because of the groups'
extremist interpretations of Islam were unacceptable to the vast
majority of Somalis and at odds with the traditional practices of Islam
in the region. In addition, Al-Shabaab which has made a habit of
desecrating the graves of Sufi saints and sheikhs had caused enormous
suffering to the Somali people. Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama'a had had considerable success
against those bent on undermining peace and stability in Somalia, and
the central regions of Mudug, Galgudud and Hiraan were now out of the
reach of Al Shabaab. Many are of the opinion that the activities of Ahlu
Sunna Wal Jama'a have been beneficial in terms of the viability of the
TFG, some, in fact, asserting that if it had not been for the group, it
would have been difficult for the TFG withstand the assault from al-shabab.
That means, without any doubt, the Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama'a has been
effective on the ground. On the other hand, the TFG, though weak, is the
legitimate government of Somalia. Thus, the need for the two-the Ahlu
Sunna Wal Jama'a and the TFG-to try to find a formula where by the asset
each has would productively be used to defend the legitimate government
of Somalia from those that been trying to see its demise.
*****
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The
Nile Council of Ministers, Nile COM, (Burundi, Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC), Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, and
Uganda,) held an extraordinary meeting in Kinshasa on Friday last
week. The meeting was convened by the current Chairperson of Nile COM,
Minister Jose B. Endundo, the Minister of Environment of the DRC, who
had recently visited all the Nile Basin Riparian States to carry out
consultations on the issues still outstanding on the Cooperative
Framework Agreement (CFA). The chairperson noted that all states were
eager to reach agreement and emphasized the importance of establishing
the Nile River Commission as the foundation for cooperation. He also
highlighted a number of other points: that the rainfall in the Nile
Basin was highly variable, that infrastructure was still inadequate,
that better agricultural development and improved trade relations were
necessary and that environmental degradation posed grave dangers.
Referring to the outstanding issues under Article 14(b), which has
continued to be the sticking point in the negotiation, Minister
Endundo said this was more of an issue of trust and confidence, and he
proposed three alternative solutions to provide for the finalization
of the Cooperative Framework Agreement: either deleting Article 14(b),
or reformulating it; or as an alternative to set up a commission and
allow for Article 14(b) to be considered by an international audit
committee to fine tune the referred to article. After careful
deliberation in a closed meeting, Nile COM agreed on the third option.
This would allow for a clean text of the CFA ready for presentation to
the riparian states for signature and ratification, and leave the
issue of Article 14(b) to the permanent Nile River Commission which
will work to resolve the matter within six months of its formation.
Egypt registered a reservation explaining its position on the matter;
Sudan was not represented in the meeting when this decision was taken.
This is an historic
decision which lays the ground for a lasting institutional and legal
arrangement on the utilization of the Nile River by all riparian states.
The Agreement will enter into force once it has been adopted by six
states. It will enable the establishment of a Nile River Commission as
the basin-wide river management organization. The most fundamental
aspect of the Agreement is that it is rooted in accepted international
principles of equitable and reasonable utilization of the water, of not
causing significant harm, and of environmental protection of
trans-boundary rivers. The CFA is the result of hard and relentless work
by the negotiators from all the riparian states, working as a collective
body. It now remains for each riparian state to undertake internal
consultations to allow for the signing of the CFA and for its subsequent
ratification by the legislative bodies of all the riparian states. This
inclusive process has been of the first of its kind for the Nile River
and it has enjoyed sustained support from development partners through
the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI). The shared vision of joint development
and confidence-building measures and the number of multi-purpose
projects, identified by the Subsidiary Action Programs of the Eastern
Nile and Equatorial Lakes Region, have significantly helped to lay the
foundation for the imminent establishment of the Nile River Commission.
However, until the Commission gets actually under way, the NBI will
continue its functions, programs, projects and, most critically, the
work of preparing the ground for the Commission through the
Institutional Strengthening Project. The next meeting of Nile COM will
be in Egypt in July.
*****
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Africa Day was
celebrated here in Addis Ababa on Monday. It was the 46th anniversary
of the foundation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) which was
established on May 25th in Addis Ababa. The OAU, of course, became
the African Union (AU) in 2002 at the meeting in Durban, South Africa.
The day was marked under the theme “Towards a United, Peaceful and
Prosperous Africa”, and the celebration was attended by the African
Union's Deputy Chairperson and Commissioner of AU, Erastus Mwencha,
who described Africa Day as “an occasion to reaffirm our collective
determination to strengthen our commitment”. The AU's Commissioner of
Political Affairs, Julia Dolly Joiner noted that “May 25 is our
special day as it gathered us under the banner of Unity, Peace and
Prosperity”. The gathering was also addressed by Ethiopia's Foreign
Minister Seyoum who emphasized that the OAU had not appeared out of
the blue in 1963; it arose out of the struggle for political
liberation and economic emancipation of the African people whose
struggle began long before Africa could carry on the fight for
liberation in a structured and institutionalized manner within the
frame work of the OAU. This refers to the fight against slavery
outside of Africa and against Apartheid in the African continent. Much
had been achieved, the Minister noted, but Africa should also feel
deep anxiety and urgency with respect to the tasks still to be
achieved. Certainly Africa could celebrate its achievement, including
political liberation, and the OAU's historic role was to contribute in
a major way to the independence of Africa and to the broadening of
political space. The AU was established, said Minister Seyoum, because
of the realization we needed to do more to strengthen unity and expand
cooperation. The move from the Charter of the OAU to the Constitutive
Act of the AU was because of the awareness of the need for stronger
foundation and the necessity to end the marginalization of Africa, so
vivid in the 1980s. Things have now changed, Minister Seyoum stressed,
but the situation does not justify complacency. Africa's capacity to
achieve uninterrupted growth has been demonstrated in recent years,
though the present global crisis underlines just why international
co-operation and the readiness of partners to join in the spirit of
NEPAD is so critical. And indeed, there can be little doubt that
Africa is developing the capacity to make such partnerships equally
rewarding to others as well. By the same token, Africa can only be a
worthwhile partner if African governments continue to strengthen their
unity and jointly maintain and protect the peace and security of the
continent. This is why the theme of the day was so appropriate:
“Towards Unity, Peace and Prosperity.” In other words, Africa has no
option, no alternative, but to encouraging the unity of the people of
Africa and fostering their solidarity.
Minister Seyoum
underlined Ethiopia's commitment to this objective, and to the equally
important necessity for peace and security, which needs both Africa and
the international community. Look at Somalia, he said, where Africa needs
to focus on doing everything possible to help the people of Somalia
achieve peace and security. This will also encourage the Horn of Africa
region, and indeed Africa as a whole, attain stability and a positive
image. This must include helping the new Somali government withstand the
onslaught of terrorists and foreign fighters who have come to Somalia to
spread chaos, mayhem and misunderstanding. Today, the AU is fulfilling
its obligations to the people of Somalia through the deployment of
AMISOM in which Uganda and Burundi are demonstrating true Pan-Africanism
through a real and practical commitment, the Minister said. Moreover,
the Minister pointed out, Africa should condemn all those who wish to
attack AMISOM and who try to demonize the troop-contributing countries.
AMISOM is an African force, and a force which has the courage to
demonstrate commitment and loyalty to the people of Somalia. This is
why, Minister Seyoum said, there can be no substitute for the African
Union and for African solidarity. It demonstrated quite clearly why
Africa Day would always be a special day for the people of Africa.
*****
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