A Week in the Horn

           16/05/2008 

  • A message of sympathy for Sudan; widespread condemnation of JEM

  • “Extremely sensitive” – the situation on Djibouti-Eritrea border

  • A new Security Council resolution on Somalia; progress in the Djibouti talks 

  • UN Peacekeeping compromised.

  • Foreign Minister Seyoum on core foreign policy issues

  • The AU Executive Council approves the Union Audit

  • The importance of migration management

  • TFG criticism of Amnesty International   

  • The Pan African Parliament celebrates Ethiopia’s Millennium

  • On Tuesday, Foreign Minister Seyoum flew into Khartoum to deliver a message from Prime Minister Meles to President Oumar Al-Bashir of the Sudan, to convey the sympathy of the government and people of Ethiopia to the people and government of the Sudan on the recent military attack launched by the Darfur based opposition group, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), on Khartoum on May 10th, 2008. Minister Seyoum received extensive briefing from the Minister of Defense, army chiefs of staff and other government officials. Minister Seyoum expressed the Ethiopian government’s rejection of any forceful, unconstitutional change of government, and called upon the Government of the Sudan to continue with the irreversible process of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) reached between the SPLM and the Khartoum Government in January 2005.

     

    The attack on Khartoum by JEM has indeed been widely condemned. The most immediate response came from Salva Kiir Mayardit, the President of South Sudan, and First Vice-President of the National Unity Government. Making it very clear on whose side the Government of South Sudan was, he condemned JEM’s assault unequivocally, saying it would not help to resolve the Darfur crisis. Southern army commanders also issued a statement saying that they were ready to send troops to support the national government should this be necessary. It was not; the attack was beaten off easily enough. Paradoxically, it appears the attack may well speed up implementation of the CPA. Events of the last week will boost mutual confidence between the NCP Government in Khartoum and the SPLM.

     

    A ministerial level meeting of the Arab League Council called the attack a “terrorist” action, and designated those responsible as “terrorist” movements. The Arab League Council called on Sudan’s neighbours to respect its sovereignty and stop supporting any armed groups using their territory to threaten the unity, security, stability and territorial integrity of Sudan. The Council also called on the League’s Secretary General, Amr Musa, to make immediate contact with the Chairman of the African Union Commission to establish a joint Arab-African initiative to support the observance of the principles of good neighbourliness and dissemination of stability in the region. IGAD also condemned the attack in the strongest terms and underlined the need for opposition groups in Sudan to heed the call of the international community to find a political solution to the problem of Darfur.

     

    The African Union Peace and Security Council, in its 126th meeting on May 14, was briefed by the AU Commissioner of Peace and Security and the representative of the Government of the Sudan. In a subsequent press statement, AU Peace and Security Council strongly condemned the attack by JEM and called on all parties to recommit themselves to dialogue as the only means for ending the conflict in Darfur. The Council expressed its concern at the escalating tension between Chad and Sudan and urged both parties to exercise utmost restraint and resort to dialogue to resolve their differences. It also welcomed the decision of the Chairperson of the Commission and the Commissioner for Peace and Security to travel to Chad and Sudan as part of efforts aimed at defusing the tension. The Council agreed to reconvene in due course to review the situation and take appropriate action.  

     

    On Sunday, President Al-Bashir broke off diplomatic relations with Chad, accusing it of having aided the attack by JEM. There have been suggestions that JEM’s attack was intended as a response to the assault on the Chad capital, Ndjamena, three months ago by a Chadian rebel group, the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development. President Idriss Deby accused the Government of Sudan of responsibility. JEM was set up in 2001 and launched military operations in 2003 along with the Sudan Liberation Movement, the other main Darfur opposition group. This latest attack makes it improbable that the Government of Sudan will be prepared to talk to JEM in the future. JEM participated in the Abuja talks in 2004 but failed to sign any final agreement with the Government, and more recently, JEM has been outside the peace process. The Government has now made it clear that it regards JEM as a terrorist group aiming for power in Khartoum rather than a Darfur opposition group.

     

  • Following the failure of Eritrea to respond to quiet diplomacy following its incursion into Djibouti territory last month, Djibouti appealed to the Arab League, the African Union and the United Nations. The Arab League’s Peace and Security Council authorized the sending of a fact-finding mission to Djibouti last week. On Tuesday, the mission headed by Samir Hosni, Director of the African and Arab Cooperation Department in the League, reported back. At a press conference on Tuesday morning, Mr. Samir Hosni said the mission had visited Ras Doumeira, the scene of Eritrea’s incursion, and had met the President of Djibouti and other officials as well as reviewing a number of documents, maps and other agreements signed before independence. Mr. Hosni concluded that the situation remained “extremely sensitive”, with Eritrean and Djibouti forces facing each other amid considerable tension. Last Sunday, Eritrea’s Foreign Minister, Mohammed Salih Osman began an official visit to Egypt. He has had meetings with his Egyptian counterpart, Mr. Ahmed Abul Gheit and other officials. Discussions focused on bilateral cooperation and other regional and African developments. High on the agenda was Eritrea and Djibouti.

     

    Last week, Eritrea’s Ambassador to the European Union, Girma Asmerom, denied that Eritrea had any problem with Djibouti and claimed, despite earlier border claims by Eritrea, that “we have never had any problem with Djibouti”. This was repeated by President Issayas in an interview with Reuters earlier this week when he said “it is a fabrication, we know. There is no basis for that…there has never been any problem….We decline the invitation to go into another crisis in the region.” President Issayas’ apparent refusal to acknowledge Eritrea’s incursion, despite photographic evidence of Eritrean troop movements inside Djibouti territory, was underlined by Djibouti’s President Ismail Omar Guellah. In an interview with Djibouti’s La Nation after he had talked to President Issayas on the telephone, he said that the Eritrean President seemed unable to understand that his forces were in Djibouti territory. President Ismail emphasized that even if Eritrea did not intend war, the facts were entirely clear and that was why Djibouti had asked for regional and international arbitration. On Monday, Prime Minister Meles, talking to Trade Union officials, said that Eritrea “did sometimes act silly” but he did not believe “they would go totally insane.” Even if they did, he added, “Ethiopia has the capability of protecting the safety of the Ethiopian-Djibouti trade corridor.”  

     

  • Proxy talks between the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Asmara-based Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) have been going on in Djibouti all this week. The meeting was originally planned as face-to-face "talks about talks". The ARS, however, refused to sit down with the TFG directly. As a result of this and because of divisions among ARS political figures in Asmara, in Djibouti and in the Diaspora, the Mediator, Ahmedou Ould-Abdalla, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative, was forced to talk to the negotiators separately. This first phase meeting has concluded with the signing of a declaration committing the two parties to continue their efforts to resolve the crisis in Somalia through peaceful means. They have agreed to meet again on May 31. The Somali Minister for Reconciliation, Mr. Abdirazak Ashkir, head of the TFG delegation said that the two parties had laid a good base from which progress could be made. The leading ARS representative, Mr. Abdurahman Abdulshakir, described the first phase as a success, and criticized ARS figures who had spoken out against the talks.

     

    The talks were in fact attacked by Sheikh Yusuf “Indhe Adde”, a former warlord in Lower Shebelle and now ARS security chief, in an interview for the BBC. President Issayas has also strongly attacked the talks accusing the UN of trying to divide the ARS, which he set up in Asmara last year: “I have no idea why they have gone for this. It’s part of a plan meant to weaken the Somali resistance by dividing and weakening the Islamic courts, dividing and weakening the alliance, and creating problems here and there.  No one seems to be interested in what the UN, with pressures from Washington, is trying to do. It may not bring in any result at all." President Issayas appears furious that a group that he organized to achieve his objective of trying to destabilize the TFG and its Ethiopian ally in Somalia seem to be collapsing. Reportedly, the ARS is now virtually confined to a handful of  ex ICU members in Asmara, notably Sheikh Hassan Dahir ‘Aweys’ and one other senior religious cleric; most of the rest of the ARS appear to have left. Sheikh Hassan Dahir ‘Aweys’ described the meeting in Djibouti as a waste of time and, despite his lack of any formal position within the ARS, instructed ARS delegates to walk out because no tangible outcome could be expected. The delegation appears to have ignored his instructions. The ARS now appears divided between those who are opting for reconciliation and are refusing to go back to Asmara, and those accepting Asmara’s position of continuing to try and undermine Somali reconciliation.

     

    This afternoon, the UN Security Council this afternoon unanimously adopted Resolution 1814 (2008) expressing strong support for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s integrated strategy for building the foundations of peace and durable stability in Somalia, including plans for greater international presence on the ground. The Council endorsed the three-pronged approach proposed in Mr. Ban’s 14 March report which aligned the political, security and programmatic efforts of the United Nations in the country in a “sequenced and mutually reinforcing way”, and requested an updated version within 60 days. To facilitate the strategy, the Council approved Mr. Ban’s proposal to establish a joint planning unit in the office of his Special Representative, and welcomed his recommendation to relocate the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) to Mogadishu. UNPOS would then support the Transitional Federal Institutions in developing a Constitution and holding a referendum on the resulting document, as well as holding democratic elections in 2009. On security, the resolution welcomed efforts, in coordination with donors, to strengthen United Nations logistical, political and technical support to AMISOM.  It requested the Secretary-General continue his contingency planning for the possible deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping mission to succeed AMISOM. The Council also requested the sanctions committee to recommend, within 60 days, specific measures against people or organizations that hampered stability in Somalia or breached the arms embargo. There is now a possibility that the Security Council on its planned visit to Africa in June may also include Djibouti on its itinerary.

     

    Meanwhile, in a declaration this week, the EU Presidency welcomed the significant progress made in the political process in Somalia since the beginning of the year. It reaffirmed its full support to the transitional federal authorities for the action taken by the Transitional Federal Government and to the reconciliation strategy of Prime Minister Nur ‘Adde’ which had made it possible to start a dialogue with all Somali parties, internal as well as external, and launch a true reconciliation process. The EU welcomed the discussions in Djibouti as a necessary first step towards the initiation of inter-Somali negotiations. It also welcomed the efforts made by the Transitional Federal Government to reform the security sector and ensure the rule of law in Somalia. It reiterated EU support to the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative in his efforts to coordinate the action of the international community and to facilitate inter-Somali political dialogue.

     

  • It is to be recalled that until mid-April the Security Council was deeply concerned over Eritrea’s actions in causing the withdrawal of United Nations Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) and thus the complete demolition of the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ). Two issues were involved with respect to this development. One was the fact that a UN Peacekeeping mission, which had been set up by the Security Council, was mishandled and humiliated, and eventually kicked out by a UN member state which had previously given its consent to the deployment of UNMEE. The head of the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Mr. Guehenna, said at the time that what Eritrea had done was unprecedented and would have major negative implications for UN peacekeeping. Paradoxically, the person who has the responsibility for UN peacekeeping later changed his mind. By late April, 2008, he was beginning to argue that there was little the Council could do with respect to Eritrea’s illegal acts. In short, he began to advise the Council that Eritrea should be coddled rather than criticised.

     

    The Eritrean action also has implications for the Algiers Agreements as a whole. Ethiopia has said time and again that the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities is the bedrock of the Algiers peace process. The Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities makes it abundantly clear that the complete functioning of the TSZ and the unrestricted operation of UNMEE are necessary conditions for the success of any initiative to resolve the dispute within the framework of the Algiers Agreements. How can it be assumed that the demolition of the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities would have no effect on the Agreements in general? This is a conundrum that the Security Council will have to explain. The Council will also have to explain why it abdicated the responsibilities allocated to it under the Algiers Agreements in terms of implementing Chapter VII sanctions against violations of the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities. Recent events appear to leave the Council with a lot to answer.

     

  • This week, Foreign Minister Seyoum delivered the keynote address at the annual retreat of the United Nations Ethiopia Country Team which opened in Makelle on Wednesday. The UN Country Team in Ethiopia is made up of 25 agencies and the retreat was preceded by a visit to Axum to see the progress made in the restoration and re-erection of the Axumite Obelisk from Rome. This project, which will be completed in September this year, is technically supported by UNESCO. The UN retreat was opened by the President of the Tigray Regional State, Ato Tsegaye Berhe; and chaired by Mrs. Alice Ouedraogo, the Director of ILO Sub-Regional Office for Eastern Africa. In his opening remarks, the UN Resident Coordinator for Ethiopia, Mr. Fidele Sarassoro, noted that the aim of the meeting was to take stock of UN agency activities, agree on a road map for cooperation with the Government of Ethiopia, improve the coordination and effectiveness of UN programs in Ethiopia, and look at the implications for Ethiopia of such major issues as the global food crisis and climate change.

     

    In his keynote address, Foreign Minister Seyoum underlined how much Ethiopia valued the UN and the work of its agencies, pointing out Ethiopia’s long-standing support, as a founder-member, for the organization and, for example, for UN Peacekeeping operations. Nevertheless, he stressed, the    globalized world of today was undergoing new challenges and new threats, and Ethiopia, like the UN, had to adapt. The Minister noted that seventeen years ago Ethiopia was launched on a new path of governance. This had also involved the introduction of a new approach to Ethiopian diplomacy.  This was finally systemized, in 2003, as a Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy based on a realistic appreciation of national interests, and internal vulnerabilities, both economic and political. It identified the most critical internal threats to the survival of the Ethiopian state, and the Minister identified these as economic backwardness and the abject poverty of most of the population, as well as the need for democracy and good governance. Indeed, the Minister pointed out the fight against poverty, the building of democracy and the entrenchment of good governance, were the essential elements for Ethiopia’s very survival. Ethiopia’s major enemy, poverty, could only be defeated by economic development and democratization. The need to deal with these challenges, he said, signified a paradigm shift from the policies of previous regimes, and provided the fundamental basis for Ethiopia’s new foreign policy.

     

    The Minister identified the emphasis now placed on economic diplomacy as a notable example of this. It necessitated, he said, a pragmatic and non-rhetorical approach to encourage the flow of investment, trade and tourism, as well as economic cooperation and the development of mutual trust and confidence in bilateral and multilateral relations. Genuine partners, whose friendship had direct meaning for Ethiopia’s survival as a nation, were those who contributed to Ethiopia’s economic progress and to the deepening of democracy, and were prepared to involve themselves in a mutually beneficial partnership for economic cooperation. Peace, stability and security were necessities for economic development; and Ethiopia’s relations with all countries were firmly anchored in the principles of good neighborliness, peaceful coexistence, peaceful resolution of disputes and the reduction of threats to national security interests. At the multilateral level, the same approach applied, though Ethiopia also tries to cater responsibly to the collective interests of the international community.

     

    The result had been some considerable successes in foreign policy.  Ethiopia had managed to build strong co-operative relations with all its neighbours. This was true politically and even economically, and provided the infrastructural basis for even greater engagement. There might still be much to be done, but what was already achieved with Sudan, Djibouti and Kenya was very encouraging, and Ethiopia hoped to establish similar levels of cooperation with Somalia shortly. All the countries in the Horn shared the same malady: poverty. The image of the Horn had to change.  The welfare of the people demanded it, as did the national interest of all countries of the region. This, the Minister said, was why Ethiopia particularly regretted the failure to bring the dispute with Eritrea to an end, but, he added, “one cannot clap with one hand”.

     

    Widening the discussion, the Minister pointed out that the major challenges facing Africa were rooted in the continent’s economic situation. The current rapid rise in the price of food and energy demonstrated that the existing imbalance between the developed and the developing world could not be sustained for long. Terrorism and poverty might not have a direct causal relationship, the Minister said, but poverty, and its attendant hopelessness, provided fertile ground for extremism. Other major challenges included global warming, to which Africa hardly contributed, but suffered greatly from the negative impact of climate change on agriculture. The impact on development prospects was devastating. Ethiopia, additionally, was facing the scourge of an HIV/AIDS pandemic as well as problems of malaria and tuberculosis, even though progress was being made, and Ethiopia’s partners had been generous in their assistance. On dealing with the scourge of conflict, however, the Minister said co-operation from the international community to help maintain the rule of law and some level of sanity had been minimal. The lack of peace and stability in the Horn of Africa continued to be a major challenge. It was, he said, unlikely to change in the near future.

     

    The Minister stressed that the UN was already playing a major role in the fight against poverty as demonstrated with the Millennium Development Goals. In other areas, however, like peace and stability, whether in the Horn of Africa or more widely, the UN could do more. It was here, the Minister said, Ethiopia would like to see a revitalized and active United Nations, effective, democratic in its decision making and transparent in its working methods, allowing the Security Council to act independently of the aims and political will of its individual members. Ethiopia’s interest, the Minister said, was not in having any place on the Security Council, but in seeing the Council becoming more proactive for peace, being a more effective vehicle for genuine economic co-operation, leading the fight against poverty and being the conscience of the people of the world in defence of human rights and international humanitarian law. Reform of the Security Council, and expansion of its membership, must produce a UN which could effectively address the concerns of its member states, overcome its fragmentation, and deliver a unified commitment to development, humanitarian assistance and the environment. The peoples of the world have a common purpose and common interest, and the UN should become, what it was created to be, an effective custodian of these purposes and interests. The world was becoming progressively smaller, a true village; it was gravely irresponsible to overlook this, as was so often the case. This must change. The UN would then become an effective instrument to protect the global village from all its many real and potential threats.  

     

  • The 11th Extraordinary Session of the Executive Council (of Foreign ministers) of the African Union was held in Arusha, in Tanzania, on the 6th and 7th of May to consider the Report on the Audit of the Union, the Comments of the Commission and the other Organs of the Union. The High Level Panel, which conducted the Audit of the Union, was chaired by Professor Adebayo Adedeji, the former Executive Secretary of the ECA. The Audit Report made a candid assessment of the state of the Union, and its report contained clear and implementable recommendations on how to accelerate the continent's political and socio-economic integration. In this respect the Audit made it clear that “the present conceptual vision of unity under the Constitutive Act is a union of equal and sovereign states”. It also noted that “there is considerable potential for moving the integration process forward without tampering with the Constitutive Act.  The Audit suggested that in order to accelerate the integration process, the organs of the Union, especially the Commission, would have to be strengthened. Equally, the member states would have to ensure the implementation and domestication of the decisions and policies of the Union. The Executive Council meeting, attended by Foreign Minister Seyoum for Ethiopia, heard from all the stakeholders, the representatives of the Regional Executive Councils, and the organs of the Union, including the Commission, and considered the 159 recommendations of the Audit Report. It then agreed, inter alia, that as regards the Assembly, this should continue to hold, as now, two ordinary sessions a year. The Chairperson of the Assembly should continue to have a one year term of office, and that the practice of having a thematic approach to the sessions should continue. With regard to the Executive Council, its current designation and method of functioning should continue, and the Special Technical Committees should be put into operation as quickly as possible as designated by the Consultative Act. It was also agreed that the inner workings and coordination of the Commission needed to be strengthened to enable it to play fully its central role in accelerating the integration process. The recommendations of the Executive Council will now be considered by the Committee of Ten Heads of State and Government which was set up to examine the issue of Union Government. The Committee will be meeting in Arusha on May 22 and 23.          

     

  • A three day workshop on Inter-State and Intra-Regional Cooperation in Migration was held in Addis Ababa this week. Participants included delegates from IGAD member states, and migrant originating, receiving and transiting states. Among those present at the opening session were the Chairperson of the AU Commission, the Director General of the International Organization for Migration and the AU Commissioner of Science and Technology, as well as representatives of the ECA and EU. Speaking on the occasion, the State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Tekeda Alemu, noted the appropriateness of the timing. Weaknesses in migration management were becoming a source of enormous challenges in various areas. There is a strong consensus both in Africa and internationally on the need for more effective cooperation on migration management. The State Minister pointed out that Africa had developed a common position and a strategic framework on Migration and Development, and a lot of ground towards developing a common understanding with the EU had been covered. Nevertheless, in the IGAD region there was a great need to develop a strategy and a common approach on migration management and to harmonize policies. The need to enhance regional capacity to ensure proper legal migration and strengthen migration management could not be overemphasized.  The State Minister underlined Ethiopia’s commitment to effective migration management. He noted that unregulated migrant flows were damaging in terms of security and had grave economic consequences for developing countries in terms of a brain-drain. This, in fact, was becoming a very critical issue, and it was clear that selective migration could end up depriving Africa of the necessary human resources for development.  In fact, legal immigration and effective migration management were in the interests of both the developed and the developing world, of IGAD countries and their partners. Subsequent discussions covered the need to establish an IGAD Regional Consultative Process to enable member countries and other stakeholders to exchange information, to enable migration to be used as a tool for development and to defend the rights of migrants wherever they might reside. Delegates endorsed a draft declaration to be presented to the IGAD Council of Ministers for adoption.

     

  • Amnesty International’s highly controversial report “Routinely targeted: attacks on Civilians in Somalia” has again come under sharp attack this week. The Transitional Government of Somalia has issued a statement expressing its dismay that any respected human rights organization should allow itself to be so deceived and manipulated by supporters of those who have perpetrated some of the most heinous crimes against the Somali people. The statement noted that the kind of crimes now being committed by extreme radical elements have never been seen before in Somalia or indeed in most of Africa. These extremist elements, known as Al-Shabaab, routinely used civilians as human shields and terrorized entire neighbourhoods. The statement pointed out that the hallmark of an Al-Shabaab killing was what the Amnesty report referred to as “slaughtering like goats”. The statement said that Amnesty had ignored the many, widely publicized, killings and massacres committed by Al-Shabaab, in mosques in Mogadishu and Baidoa, bombings of buses, the massacres of refugees in Bossaso and many other killings in Mogadishu and its environs. The statement wondered if this was an oversight or a deliberate attempt to ignore Al-Shabaab’s wanton violations of international humanitarian law. The statement said that the responsibility to protect the population rested with the Government of Somalia and it was a responsibility that the Government took extremely seriously.  No wilful violation of the fundamental rights of the Somali people would be tolerated by the Government or by the Ethiopian forces in Somalia. The statement noted that Ethiopian forces in Somalia conducted themselves with the utmost professionalism and discipline. Their level of discipline could, indeed, be compared with that of any professional force operating in any theatre of war. The Government statement also noted that the report claimed that the government had been responsible for violations of press freedom. In fact, the statement pointed out the Transitional Federal Government provides near absolute freedom to the press in Mogadishu, even though most of it has been vehemently anti-government. Since Somalia is a country at war with terrorist and extremist elements, it can actually be proud of its record of press freedom. The Transitional Federal Charter obligates the Government to adhere to certain standards of Press freedom. It does.

     

    The statement said Somalia was seriously engaged in a process of reconciliation and state-building which the Government hopes would lead to lasting peace, stability and democratic governance. It was therefore surprised to see a report which so utterly distorted the reality of Somalia and painted such a false picture. It was full of fabrications, half truths and, in some instances, outright lies. It was not a report one would expect Amnesty to produce at a critical juncture of the struggle against terrorism and extremist forces, giving, as it did, cover to the extremist elements committing the very grave crimes that Amnesty claims it is trying to prevent. The statement wondered why Amnesty, a respected organization, chose to be manipulated by the supporters of the extremist forces that are causing mayhem in Somalia.  The smear campaign, of which Amnesty has chosen to be part, should be condemned in the strongest possible terms. Amnesty should be ashamed to collude with forces perpetrating the very crimes which it claims to want to stop.

     

  • Last Friday, the Pan African Parliament (PAP) celebrated the Ethiopian Millennium. The ceremony was attended by Mr. Mohammud Dirir, the Minister of Culture and Tourism leading a high level delegation from Ethiopia. Speaking on the occasion, the Minister said the purpose of the Millennium celebration was “to look into the glorious past of the nation and to build a vibrant democracy that is marked by peace”. He noted that Ethiopia was “known for its tolerance in terms of culture and religious diversity.” The Chairperson of the PAP Committee on Education, Culture, Tourism and Human Resources, the Honourable Maidagi Allambeye, stated that “the celebration of the Ethiopian Millennium is an active expression of African solidarity and the entire PAP associates itself with this great Ethiopian cultural event”. PAP’s recognition of the Ethiopian Millennium was in accordance with the AU declaration that the Ethiopian Millennium was unique and an event for all of Africa. This was adopted at the 8th Ordinary Session of the Heads of State and Government of the African Union.  

          Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

                     Ministry of Foreign Affairs