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The
African Union’s Executive Council meets in Kampala
The AU Executive Council held its 17th Ordinary
Session on Thursday and Friday this week in Kampala, in advance of
the forthcoming African Union Summit. The meeting was officially
opened by the First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of East
African Affairs of Uganda. During the opening ceremony statements
were made by the Chairperson of the AU Commission, the Under
Secretary and Executive Secretary of the UNECA, the Vice Chancellor
and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany and Parliamentary
Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan. The current Chairperson
of the Executive Council, Professor Etta E. Banda, Foreign Minister
of Malawi, concluded the opening session. Every Head of Delegation
who spoke expressed condolence to the People and Government of
Uganda, and to those who lost their lives, in the recent terrorist
attacks in Kampala.
Following the opening session, the Council
considered its agenda. The Chairperson of the Commission presented
an extensive report on the activities of the Commission. Issues
relating to peace and security, in particular with reference to
Somalia, to Ethiopia-Eritrea and to Djibouti and Eritrea, were
discussed in depth. Development, the integration of the continent
and the need for Africa to continue to speak with one voice in
international fora, were also emphasized. It was noted that in
respect to the current situation in Somalia, it was necessary to
update the report of the Chairperson to incorporate the recent
activities of IGAD, including the outcome of the meeting of the IGAD
Council of Ministers held on 15 June 2010, of the IGAD Assembly of
Heads of State and Government on 5 July 2010, and the meeting of the
IGAD Chiefs of Defense Staffs earlier this week. Ethiopia, Djibouti
and Kenya brought to the attention of the Council the fact that the
war being waged in Somalia was not a war between the Government of
Somalia and its opposition, but rather a war between the people of
Somalia and international terrorists.
The activities of IGAD concerning Somalia were
welcomed. Some Council members categorically condemned the terrorist
acts waged against the people of Somalia. They emphasized that
Africa should do more to assist the TFG and the people of Somalia.
The Eritrean representative, however, argued that developments in
Somalia should not be linked to international terrorism, suggesting
that this would make the situation in Somalia worse. Eritrea further
requested the withdrawal of all peacekeeping forces from Somalia. It
also called for a reconciliation process in Somalia to include
terrorists. This was rejected by the Council.
Djibouti
briefed the Council on the recent agreement signed between Eritrea
and Djibouti. The Council was informed that further negotiations are
expected to be held in Doha. The Council welcomed this positive
development and hoped it might be reflected in other areas of the
Horn of Africa. Dr. Tekeda Alemu, Ethiopia’s State Minister of
Foreign Affairs, described the agreement between Djibouti and
Eritrea as a positive development. He suggested that those who
facilitated that agreement might extend their role to other areas in
the region. In a brief statement to the Council, Dr. Tekeda also
expressed Ethiopia’s appreciation of the role the AU played in the
recent Ethiopian elections. He thanked the AU observers for their
professional and objective assessment of the conduct of the
elections.
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IGAD Chiefs
of Defense Staffs meet on Somalia
A three-day meeting of the Chiefs of Defense
Staffs of IGAD took place in Addis Ababa this week in advance of the
AU Summit at the weekend. Representatives from Djibouti, Ethiopia,
Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda attended. The meeting followed the
decision of the recent IGAD Extraordinary Summit to raise the
strength of AMISOM forces in Mogadishu by another 2,000 troops to
its authorized level of 8,000, and the visit of an IGAD military
delegation to Mogadishu to evaluate the situation on the ground. The
meeting, chaired by General Samora Yunus, Chief of Defense Staff of
Ethiopia, was briefed by the Commander of AMISOM, the Director of
EASBRIGCOM, and the representative of the UN Political Office for
Somalia. It also heard from the Chief of the Defense Staff of the
TFG of Somalia, and from the IGAD Facilitator, Kipruto Arap Kirwa.
Foreign Minister Seyoum, Chairman of the IGAD
Executive Council, attended the opening of the meeting. In a keynote
address he pointed out that the latest developments in Mogadishu had
underlined the concerns that had led IGAD ministers to recommend the
convening of this meeting. The Kampala terrorist bombings had also
demonstrated the wider implications of the failure of the
international community to take the necessary steps to deal with the
international terrorist threat in Somalia. He suggested that if the
UN had considered blue-helmeting AMISOM forces, it would have been
possible to ensure the predictability, reliability and
sustainability of resources to help build peace in Somalia and
maintain it. Now, IGAD had to grapple with what was needed to be
done to enable the TFG to lead a fight against international
terrorism. Now, it was the task of the Chiefs of the Defense Staffs
to come up with concrete plans on how to deploy the planned 2,000
more troops for AMISOM as quickly and effectively as possible. They
also needed to discuss the creation of a unified command for TFG
security forces and to bring TFG and other trained troops under a
single command. Overall, the task for the meeting was to find ways
and means to reverse the aggression of international terrorism. The
struggle was now between the people of Somalia and international
terrorism. Failure, said Minister Seyoum, was not an option for the
region. Al-Shabaab terrorists, despite a total lack of popular
support, had taken advantage of a near vacuum in security in
Somalia, but they could not be allowed to succeed to impose
themselves on the people of Somalia by force and through violence.
In its closed sessions, the meeting reviewed
the political and security situation in Somalia and the status of
the TFG’s security forces, and considered recommendations for
reorganizing and enhancing their capacity. It also deliberated on a
number of related issues, strongly condemning the terrorist attacks
in Kampala and underlining the need for a regional approach to
address Al-Shabaab’s aggression. General Samora said the report of
the meeting of the IGAD Chiefs of Defense Staffs would be submitted
to the African Summit at the weekend, and that the meeting would
provide the AU Commission with a plan of action for deployment for
the additional 2,000 troops for AMISOM. AMISOM is currently a
peacekeeping operation with limited rules of engagement. This
contrasts with peace-enforcement operations which allow for greater
use of force in situations where there is no agreed ceasefire and
considerable violence. AMISOM has suggested that it should be given
more freedom of action and, in the wake of the recent terrorist
attacks in Kampala, there is considerable support for allowing the
mission greater flexibility of response.
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Ethiopia: “a valuable and important partner” for the US
On Thursday and Friday this week, US Assistant Secretary for
African Affairs, Ambassador Johnnie Carson, visited Ethiopia before
going on to Uganda, where he will be attending the African Union
Summit in Kampala. In Addis Ababa yesterday, Ambassador Carson held
talks with Prime Minister Meles and Foreign Minister Seyoum. His
discussions with Prime Minister Meles centered on bilateral issues
and on regional concerns. High on the agenda was the international
community’s role in assisting the TFG in Somalia and helping AMISOM.
The recent IGAD Extra-ordinary Summit made it clear that IGAD would
like to see much greater international support for AMISOM and for
the TFG. Ambassador Carson expressed his condolences to the families
of those who died in the Kampala bombings. He emphasized that these
Al-Shabaab attacks showed how much of a threat the organization had
become to the region, and underlined the need for the TFG to be
strengthened in order to establish peace and reconciliation in
Somalia. Another topic of discussion was the need for full
implementation of the CPA in Sudan.
Ambassador Carson also met with Foreign
Minister Seyoum. In a briefing after the talks, Minister Seyoum said
their discussions had revolved around furthering bilateral relations
and on ways to improve US-Ethiopian ties. Recalling his visit to
Washington last November and the fruitful discussions he had with
high level US Government officials, the Minister underlined the need
to continue to build on what has been achieved in strengthening
bilateral relations between the two countries. Ambassador Carson
stated that Ethiopia was a valuable and important partner for the
US. He drew the attention of the Foreign Minister to the various
Obama Administration Partnership Initiatives towards Africa and
other developing countries from which Ethiopia is a beneficiary.
With respect to security issues, Ambassador Carson stated that the
US wished to have stronger relations with Ethiopia. Ethiopia's
security concerns, he said, were also shared by the United States.
On regional issues, the discussions focused on
Somalia. Expressing appreciation to the Ethiopian Government for
hosting a series of important meetings in Addis Ababa on Somalia
over the previous weeks in advance of the African Union Summit in
Kampala, Ambassador Carson said these would help refocus attention
on the problems of Somalia. He expressed his appreciation to the
Ethiopian Government for its commitment and the sacrifices it had
paid to help resolve the problem in Somalia. Ambassador Carson
assured the Foreign Minister that the United States would continue
to work with IGAD and Ethiopia in the effort to defeat terrorist
forces and bring peace and stability to Somalia.
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The first meeting of the Sudan Consultative Forum in Khartoum
The Sudan Consultative Forum was set up in May
following a request by the African Union Commission to the
Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council. It is to serve as a
coordinating mechanism for the Sudan peace process, and held its
first substantive meeting on Saturday July 17 in Khartoum. Its
purpose is to provide coordinated international support for
implementation of the remaining provisions of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA), for an inclusive global political agreement
to promote lasting peace, justice and reconciliation in Darfur, and
for the democratic transformation of the Sudan.
Participants at last week’s meeting included
delegations from neighboring countries: Chad, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda, and
representatives of the permanent members of the UN Security Council
(China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States of
America), of Norway and Qatar, of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development Secretariat and of its Chair, of the League of Arab
States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the European
Union (EU), and the Assessment and Evaluation Commission (AEC). The
meeting was co-chaired by the AU Commissioner for Peace and
Security, Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra, and the UN Under-Secretary
General for Peacekeeping Operations, Mr. Alian Le Roy.
The meeting heard presentations from the
National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation
Movement (SPLM), and representatives of the parties to the CPA
provided additional information and clarification. The Forum
received reports on the situation from the Joint AU-UN Special
Representative for UNAMID, the Deputy Joint Chief Mediator, and the
Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Sudan. It was
also briefed by the Chairperson of the AU High Level Implementation
Panel on the Sudan (AUHIP) on its efforts in regard to the
implementation of the CPA and for the promotion of peace, justice
and reconciliation in Darfur.
The Forum reiterated its call to the NCP and
the SPLM to strengthen their partnership and to work closely with
other key Sudanese stakeholders to address urgently the key
challenges of the critical final phase of the interim period of the
CPA. Time is short. The stability and future of Sudan will depend on
decisions taken in the next few months, on reaching agreement on the
outstanding processes of the CPA, including the putting in place of
necessary structures for the full implementation of the Southern
Sudan Referendum Commission.
The Forum welcomed the Mekelle Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) reached between the NCP and the SPLM on the
basis of which negotiations on the post-referendum issues will be
conducted. The AUHIP, assisted by the UN, IGAD and the IGAD
Partners’ Forum (IPF) will facilitate this. Participants stressed
the need for the parties to keep a clear sight of the objectives and
on the necessity for a spirit of cooperation and mutual respect. The
Ethiopian delegation emphasized that this was a defining moment for
the future of the Sudan. Solutions were in the hands of the parties
but they needed all the help they could get, from the AU, the AUHIP
and from the Forum. It was important that initiatives should be
coordinated and that there should be coherence among the various
processes as with the recent signing of the Memorandum of
Understanding in Mekelle.
The Forum reiterated the need for an inclusive
Darfur political process that would address all the key issues for
the people including security, justice and reconciliation as well as
social, economic and humanitarian issues. There was serious concern
at the way the security situation had deteriorated since May, with
significant loss of life and new population displacements. The
meeting called upon the Government of Sudan and the armed movements
in Darfur to respect the terms of the ceasefire. It stressed the
need for urgent and concerted efforts to provide security in Darfur.
The Forum commended the AUHIP, UNMIS, UNAMID
and the JCM, for diligent work in carrying out their respective
mandates and for their cooperation in support of Sudanese political
processes. It pledged to continue to provide coordinated support to
all the parties to help deal with all challenges they face in the
remainder of the interim period. These are processes which will
shape the future of Sudan. The Forum is to meet every two months;
the next meeting will be in October. The venue has yet to be
announced.
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A Chinese
delegation in Addis Ababa
A high level
delegation from the People's Republic of
China,
led by Mr. Dai Bingguo, State Councilor with the Rank of
Vice-Premier, made a one-day official working visit to Ethiopia on
Tuesday this week. During his stay, the State Councilor made a
courtesy call on President Girma Woldegiorgis and discussed issues
of bilateral and common concern.
Mr. Dai Bingguo
also met with Prime Minister Meles, and held lengthy discussions
relating to bilateral, regional and international matters of common
interest. Prime Minister Meles expressed his gratitude to the people
and government of the People's Republic of China for the all-round
cooperation between China and Ethiopia in trade, investment and
economic development, including the transfer of technology and basic
skills to Ethiopians. He also thanked the head of the delegation for
China's engagement with Africa through the process of the Forum of
China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).
Mr. Dai Bingguo
reiterated the firm commitment of his country towards the
development of Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular. He
expressed his appreciation of the steady economic and social growth
of Ethiopia and promised to continue his support of Ethiopia, which
he described as a trustworthy friend. The comprehensive discussions
and the exchange of views covered current world economic
developments and the relationship of China and Africa. Prime
Minister Meles thanked the government of the People's Republic of
China for its whole hearted commitment to strengthen friendship with
Ethiopia; Mr. Dai Bingguo took the opportunity to express his thanks
to the people and the Government of Ethiopia for the hospitality he
and his delegation had received.
Following the
discussion, two agreements were signed on Economic and Technical
Co-operation between the Government of the People's Republic of
China and the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia. Both will be used in the implementation of China-aided
projects. During his stay Mr. Dai Bingguo also visited the ETC
national network operation center, and the construction site of the
AU Conference Center which is being built by a Chinese company with
financial aid from the Chinese government.
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An
Indian business delegation in Ethiopia
Last week, a
twenty-four person investors’ delegation from
India
visited Ethiopia. Accompanied by Ms. Genet Zewdie, Ethiopia’s
Ambassador to India, the delegation was warmly received by a number
of government officials including Deputy Prime Minister, Addisu
Legesse, Ato Teffera Deribew, the Minister of Agriculture, Ato
Tadesse Haile, State Minister of Trade and Industry, and officials
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The group was given
presentations by various sectoral ministries and agencies, covering,
inter alia, the country’s investment climate in Ethiopia,
textiles, leather, agriculture and agro-processing, energy, as well
as the progress of privatization and investment finance. A number of
field trips were arranged to different areas of the country,
including the Oromia, Afar, Southern Peoples, Amhara and Gambella
Regional States.
The delegation
showed interest in a wide variety of areas: agriculture;
agro-processing; horticulture; rubber plantations; cotton
cultivation, ginning and pressing; poultry; dairy production,
processing and distribution; the development of integrated supply
chain-based food-processing parks; leather and leather footwear;
palm oil cultivation; vegetable oil refining; sugar cane development
and the manufacture of sugar and ethanol; power generation;
fertilizer production; textiles and home furnishings; infrastructure
and mining.
India and
Ethiopia, of course, have long-standing economic and commercial
relations going back centuries, but business ties between the two
countries, especially in the area of infrastructural projects
including roads, power projects, telecommunications and water
resources, have grown significantly in recent years with the opening
up of the Ethiopian economy. Bilateral economic relations have been
moving steadily forward with growing private sector investment from
India,
with nearly 400 Indian companies now having investment licenses and
nearly 100 operational. Bilateral trade figures show exports in both
directions have been increasing steadily. Trade is currently worth
US$500 million a year but is expected to increase significantly
following the announcement of a Duty Free Tariff Preference Scheme (DFTP)
by the Indian government during the India-Africa Forum Summit.
Ethiopia was among the first countries to accede to the scheme.
Ethiopian imports from India currently consist largely of primary
and semi-finished iron and steel products, drugs and
pharmaceuticals, machinery and instruments, manufactures of metal,
food items, plastic and linoleum products, paper and paper products,
rubber manufactured items, yarns and textiles, machine tools,
glassware, cosmetics and electronic goods. Ethiopia’s main exports
to India include raw hides and skins, pulses, raw cotton, spices,
leather and scrap metal.
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Eritrea’s
PR efforts are no substitute for genuine overtures for regional
peace
The Horn of Africa region has had the
reputation for being a troubled neighborhood for far too long. There
are, perhaps, a considerable number of reasons for this, but one
very obvious factor detrimental to the prospects of peace in the
region has been the all-too-negative role of the government of
Eritrea which has consistently posed a distinct and formidable
challenge to regional efforts to address the various conflicts that
have bedeviled the Horn. Eritrea’s leaders have committed aggression
against all their neighbors in a manner that defies ordinary notions
of good neighborly relationships and normal inter-state relations.
The government in Asmara has openly championed a series of
destabilizing activities throughout the region, actively supporting
armed opposition elements in other countries. It has continued to
carry out these schemes despite mounting criticism and even pressure
from the international community. Apart from these activities at
various times in Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia, Eritrea’s
support for extremists and terrorists in Somalia and its declared
opposition to the legitimate Transitional Government of Somalia as
well as its most recent aggression against Djibouti, have drawn
particular attention from the international community. One result
has been Resolutions 1862 and 1907 of the United Nations’ Security
Council. In particular, Resolution 1907 imposed targeted sanctions
against the regime and its officials for, inter alia,
Eritrea’s flagrant occupation of Djibouti territory; its arming,
logistical and political support for extremist elements in Somalia;
and, finally for its destabilizing activities throughout the region.
Given this history, it was indeed altogether fitting and proper that
the UN Security Council should finally take the action that it did,
belated though it might have been.
Eritrea’s reaction to the Security Council
action was all too predictable, displaying as it often does a
continued aversion to behaving normally. Rather than making any
effort to adjust their actions, Eritrea’s leaders have preferred to
do everything they could to deflect the international community’s
attention away from the destructive activities they have
all-too-obviously been engaged in. True to form, the first reaction
was flat denial of the accusations made against them, in spite of a
mountain of detailed and incontrovertible evidence available. They
have continued in this. An orchestrated media blitz, including a
highly unusual number of interviews with President Isaias, was
clearly intended to sidetrack attention in different directions,
though it appears to have failed in its desired effect.
Eritrea’s position with regard to its dispute
with Djibouti was particularly telling. It consistently denied
aving conthe very existence of
any ‘bona fide’ dispute with Djibouti, denied the presence of its
troops across the Djibouti border, and refused to accept a
fact-finding mission from the UN. Then the Emir of Qatar announced
that Eritrea and Djibouti had indeed agreed to resolve their dispute
following mediation by Qatar. As we have noted before the
negotiations have been shrouded in opacity, and Eritrea has yet to
come forward publicly confirming that they did indeed take place.
Despite the mediation announcement that Eritrean troops had
withdrawn from the previously occupied areas, and the fact that
Qatar troops are now acting as observers on both sides of the
border, Eritrea has continued to refuse to assume responsibility for
its aggression against Djibouti much less issue any statement.
Despite this there has been a highly enthusiastic response from the
international community to the agreement. However, it still remains
to be seen if the regime in Asmara will in fact make good on the
terms. On past record, it has to be said this seems unlikely.
Similarly, acting true to form, the government
of Eritrea has recently been pestering the Security Council to lift
the sanctions imposed on it under Resolution 1907. It has claimed
that the signing of an agreement with Djibouti, even without public
acceptance or acknowledgement of responsibility for its actions,
amounts to its full compliance with the demands made in the
Resolution. This of course ignores the more significant elements of
Resolution 1907, relating to Somalia and regional destabilization.
In fact, Eritrean officials have been making strenuous efforts to
shift attention away to wholly unrelated issues, straining every
nerve to dilute the significance of Resolutions 1862 and 1907 by
trying to sidetrack the Security Council into totally unrelated
issues. In a classic case of reductio ad absurdum, they have
been trying every trick to try to persuade the international
community to believe that all Eritrean misbehavior, however
egregious, was meant to draw attention to an entirely different
issue. The government of Eritrea would have the world believe that
everything that it has done, its aggressive foreign policy, its
support for terrorism and extremism in Somalia, its invasion of
Djibouti, and its arming of violent opposition in Ethiopia for
example, has been the result of the UN Security Council’s failure to
address Eritrea’s dispute with Ethiopia, and of Eritrea’s
“frustration” with the international community. Such claims, however
bizarre, are in keeping with the behavior pattern of Eritrea’s
leadership.
In fact, Eritrea’s leaders are now pressing
the UN Security Council to lift sanctions even though Eritrea still
fails to admit to its responsibility for the instigation of the
dispute with Djibouti and it is far from clear if the agreement will
hold. Indeed, Eritrea still appears to be denying any such dispute
actually took place. It appears to be banking on the possibility, if
not the likelihood, that the international community enthused by the
possibility, however implausible, of Eritrea’s ‘renewed good faith’,
will be oblivious to the remaining two aspects of the Resolution
demanding that Eritrea stop its support for extremism and terrorism
in Somalia, and desist from destabilizing activities throughout the
region. In fact, despite the UN Secretary General’s rather
optimistic interpretation of Eritrea’s participation in the Istanbul
conference on Somalia, the government of Eritrea has continued to
hold to its entirely negative line towards peace and stability in
Somalia. In what can only be called a deliberate snub, typical of
Eritrea’s leaders, Eritrea has even gone so far as to remind the UN
Security Council in so many words that Eritrea has never changed its
position on Somalia. In other words, Eritrea’s position continues to
fly full in the face of the demands of Resolution 1907. It is clear
its rejection of the TFG, and its support to the opposition,
continues without change.
Similarly, Eritrea’s support to armed
opposition elements throughout the region has not stopped, whether
in Ethiopia, Djibouti or Somalia. Nor is there any indication that
the Eritrean government seems prepared to demonstrate any
willingness to stop this in the immediate future. Rather, indeed,
the reverse. It has to be said that it would appear
counter-productive in the extreme for the international community to
read too much into the message that Eritrea has been trying to
propagate. It should not be taken in by such a half-baked public
relations effort or consider it as even partial compliance with
Resolution 1907. It must be repeated: Eritrea’s dispute with
Djibouti was only one aspect of Resolution 1907. Eritrea’s support
for extremism and terrorism in Somalia and its efforts to
destabilize the region still need urgent attention from the
international community. The recent bombings in Kampala are a stark
reminder of how destructive complicity with rejectionist and
terrorist elements in the region can be, and how dangerous to
international peace and stability. They underline just how crucial
it is for the international community, and more particularly the UN
Security Council, to ensure that all its efforts to ensure peace,
including Security Council Resolutions, are implemented in full.
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