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A Week in the Horn 09/01/2009 |
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· Ethiopian troops are now leaving Somalia two years after responding to Ethiopia's own security concerns about extremist forces in Somalia which had repeatedly threatened war and even tried to re-activate irredentism, and appeals from the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. Ethiopia's concerns were reinforced by the efforts of Sheikh Hassan Dahir 'Aweys', and of Sheikh Yusuf 'Indhe Adde', another notorious warlord prominent in the Islamic Courts, to establish links with Eritrea. Eritrean assistance included the provision of training in guerilla and terrorist activities, as well as the despatch of a training mission of regular troops to Somalia. This emphasized just how far Eritrea was prepared to go to try to destabilize Ethiopia, even allying with identified terrorists (Al-Shabaab) to try to achieve its aims. In December 2006, in a matter of days, Ethiopian forces, in co-operation with TFG security forces, defeated the extremist elements providing the TFG with the potential capacity to set itself up in Mogadishu and opening up a real window of opportunity for peace and stability in Somalia. It was a major and successful step forward in Ethiopia's long-time effort to assist in the establishment of a functional government in Somalia. This was a process going back to 1992 when the Ethiopian Government made the first attempt to bring Somali factions to the negotiating table. With a mandate from the OAU and IGAD after 1993, Ethiopia subsequently hosted a whole series of conferences, most significantly at Sodere in 1996, and played a serious role in the organization of the conference at Eldoret/Mbagathi in Kenya which created the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in 2004. Ethiopia's intervention in 2006 was a short and successful military operation which restored the position of the TFG. It opened the possibility for an international force to take over security in Mogadishu and for the international community, and the United Nations, to assume its responsibilities for peace and security in the region. Despite the intention to remain no more than a few weeks, Ethiopia decided to stay as long as it has, to help the people of Somalia. Efforts to speed up the process of enabling the TFG to stand on its own feet, by training its own security forces and establishing ministerial structures, were handicapped by the failure of the international community to provide the necessary resources for the TFG and by the delays in the deployment of AMISOM. In fact, Ethiopian forces stayed in Somalia to help the TFG until it became clear that they could no longer serve any useful purpose. It was Ethiopia's hope that the Somali political leaders would effectively own the process of national reconciliation and that the international community would be more committed to help the Somalis to achieve peace than has been the case. ********** · There has been no improvement in Ethiopia's relations with Eritrea this year. Indeed, in a New Year's interview given to Eritrea's official media President Isaias once again made it quite clear Eritrea's continued refusal to engage Ethiopia in normalizing their relations and in finding ways and means of relaxing the tension between the two counties. Eritrea has continued to reject all suggestions to open a dialogue aimed at achieving these objectives. It is to be recalled that, earlier Eritrea had refused to respond to a whole series of UN Security Council resolutions, most recently 1827 (30 July 2008) when the Security Council, “recalling [its] previous condemnation of Eritrea's lack of cooperation”, demanded the “full and expeditious implementation” of the Algiers Agreements “as the basis for peaceful and cooperative relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea”, and reaffirmed the integrity of the TSZ. It was, of course, in the face of Eritrean intransigence that the Security Council was forced to terminate UNMEE’s mandate despite the threat this posed to the whole UN approach to peace-keeping in July last year and despite its earlier threat of sanctions against Eritrea for its restrictions on UNMEE in resolution 1640 (2005). It should be recalled that Eritrea was found liable for starting the war with Ethiopia by the Claims Commission when it completed the liability stage of its work with the conclusion that Eritrea had violated Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter when it invaded areas peacefully administered by Ethiopia. President Isaias's latest statements underline the fact that the Eritrean leadership continues to make persistent efforts to destabilize Ethiopia in any way possible. This is not anything new. It has been a central element in Eritrean policy since 1998. Ethiopia maintains its firm intention to reach a peaceful resolution of the dispute with Eritrea. It remains fully committed to a lasting and durable peace between the two countries through negotiation and discussion. However, there is no sign at all, as yet, that Eritrea is prepared to reciprocate. Indeed, President Isaias's latest references to the Government of Ethiopia heading for its “ultimate demise” and classified as “totally defeated” suggest Eritrea is planning to continue its efforts at destabilizing Ethiopia. ********** · The first nine months of the last year were part of Ethiopia's own 2000 Millennium Year (2007-2008). This marked the renewal of Ethiopia, the launching of a Renaissance to lay the foundations of a bright future to overcome poverty and backwardness and meet the challenges of creating a just, democratic and prosperous society, outlining a national consensus based on tolerance and mutual understanding to encourage the country's full potential. Ethiopia’s foreign policy focuses on economic diplomacy and aims at encouraging the flow of investment, trade and tourism, as well as economic cooperation and the development of trust and confidence in bilateral and multilateral relations. Ethiopia looks for genuine partners who are prepared to be involved in a mutually beneficial partnership, particularly in the economic area. In this context, peace, stability and security are necessities for economic development, and relations must be firmly anchored in the principles of good neighborliness, peaceful coexistence, the peaceful resolution of disputes. The last year marks a fifth year of double-digit economic growth, and, despite the global economic downturn which has affected Ethiopia like all countries in the world. The Economist Intelligence Unit still predicts Ethiopia's economy will grow by more than 7% in 2009. It identifies Ethiopia as likely to produce one of the fastest economic growth in the world for 2009. The IMF has described Ethiopia as the fastest non-oil economy in Africa, and there are predictions that the GDP will reach $31 Billion (PPP $71 Billion) in 2009. As one of the poorest countries in the world, with an economy mainly dominated by agricultural products, and no significant high value natural resources like oil, Ethiopia bears witness to the possibility of real growth and development in least-developed countries through the implementation of appropriate policy measures and people's efforts. The country's economic performance is the result of the robust policies adopted by the Government and the country's macroeconomic and political stability. This success can be a matter of pride in the face of the problems of drought, coupled with the effects of global oil and food price rises and significant inflation. With all the three main sectors of the economy, agriculture, industry and service, demonstrating rises of more than 10 percent, there is not only growth in the overall economy but also a significant shift from agriculture into other sectors. Ethiopia has significant untapped natural resources, a pleasant climate and fertile soil, as well as abundant human resources. There are ample investment opportunities, favourable investment policies and an environment suitable for attracting foreign direct investment. This has grown steadily since 2003 largely because of specific efforts to encourage foreign investors. In the last sixteen years, a total of 5,314 investment projects have been authorized, 1628 of them during 2008. Indeed, overall, the last year, in fact, has provided a firm jumping off point for the Ethiopian Renaissance, and the results of economic diplomacy, bilaterally and more widely, have been very successful. Exports have grown on an average of over 25% per annum over the last five years and are expected to continue to rise this year. During the last budget year, 2007/08, export earnings stood at US$1.5 billion, up from US$1.2 billion the previous year. This export performance is expected to be sustained despite the adverse impact of the current global economic crisis on commodity prices. The export performance of the first three months of 2007/08 showed a 30% increase on the previous year. Imports continue to grow. To sustain this economic growth and development, the Government is exerting substantial efforts to promote investment and trade potential and opportunities. Three international congresses are planned for 2009 alone to promote business opportunities in Ethiopia and the IGAD region. Major international and regional organizations, project finance organizations and banks are expected to take part in these events which can be expected to create major opportunities to explore areas for business partnerships and deepen business-to-business relationships. Overall, all key development indicators have continued to show progress and the economy remains on track towards attaining the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. **********
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The year has seen a number of milestones
in Ethiopia's multilateral and bilateral diplomacy. The year marked the
ending of the United Nations Mission for Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) in
accordance with the decision of the UN Security Council, effective as of 1
August 2008. UNMEE has closed down its mission and has pulled out all
military and civil personnel, liquidating all its remaining assets in
Ethiopia. A United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has become a hybrid
peacekeeping force co-sponsored by the UN Security Council and the African
Union, with contingents predominantly drawn from African countries. In
keeping with its long tradition and its commitment to the maintenance of
regional security as well as global peace, Ethiopia has made a significant
contribution sending a sizeable contingent with equipment for the mission.
It has also agreed to host the Liaison Office for UNAMID in Addis Ababa and
this has already begun to function. The excellent reputation enjoyed by
Ethiopian troops in these operations has earned Ethiopia considerable
plaudits and widespread appreciation and respect around Africa and the
international community. The UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO)
officially inaugurated its Sub-Regional Office for Eastern Africa in Addis
Ababa at the beginning of the year in the presence of Deputy Prime Minister
Addisu Legesse and FAO Director-General Jacque Diouf. The International Food
and Agriculture Development (IFAD) opened its country office in Addis Ababa,
the first of its kind for the African continent. The UN-OCHA Liaison Office
and the UN African Union Peacekeeping Support Team opened offices in Addis
Ababa in the course of the year. The UN-ECA celebrated the 50
Among notable high-level working visits to Ethiopia this year have been the Executive Director of the World Food Program, Mrs Josset Sheeran, and her Deputy; the UN Under Secretary-General and Coordinator of Humanitarian Affairs, Sir John Holmes; and the President and senior officials of the World Bank. All were received by senior government officials, including Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. The UN Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon, and Deputy Secretary-General, Dr. Asha Rose Migiro, also paid official working visits in the country during the year. Among the many international conferences hosted in Addis Ababa during the year 2008, notable ones included the first UN-AU extraordinary meeting of Finance Ministers to debate major international and regional economic and financial matters of common concern, and the IOM-AU-EU high-level conference hosted at the AU to examine cross-cutting policy dimensions related to issues of global human migration involving African and European countries in particular.
Ethiopia also had a
visible and high-level presence at a number of international gatherings,
with Prime Minister Meles attending the 63 Ethiopia is a member of the AU Peace and Security Council once again, continuing to play a principled role. It remains committed to the strengthening of African Unity, though it is clear this must be based on a realistic assessment of the possibilities as it emphasized at the preliminary meeting on unity before the AU July Summit. Ethiopia is also currently chair of IGAD whose members have agreed on the need for its revitalization. Ethiopia remains determined to fulfil its responsibility to IGAD rejuvenation to enable it to play a real role in the peace and development of the sub-region. Only Eritrea of the IGAD member states has failed to commit to this. Eritrea, it has to be said, remains the regional “spoiler” in the Horn of Africa as it demonstrated by its refusal to normalize relations with Ethiopia and its mid-year invasion of Djibouti. Its troops are still across the Djibouti border. It has to be said Eritrea remains a failure, indeed a major setback, for Ethiopian diplomacy. It has failed to persuade Eritrea to accept that the results of demarcation must include sustainable peace and normalization of relations. Regrettably our relationship with Qatar deteriorated to the point of breaking off relations following the support provided to Eritrea and Eritrea’s continued policy of regional destabilization. ********** · Ethiopia has deposited seven AU treaties and conventions on 6 January 2009, ratified by the House of Peoples Representatives, at a ceremony held at the AU Headquarters in Addis Ababa. The deposited instruments include Inter-African Convention Establishing an African Technical Co-operation Programme; Convention for the Establishment of the African Center for Fertilizer Development; Convention of the African Energy Commission; Protocol to the OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism; African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance; Additional Protocol to the OAU General Convention on Privileges and Immunities and Agreement for the Establishment of the African Rehabilitation Institute (ARI). The decision of Ethiopia to ratify and deposit these Agreements demonstrates its resolve to continue to play a pivotal role in Africa's collective progress to achieve peace, democracy, development and integration in the continent. Among these Agreements, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, which Ethiopia has become the second country to ratify, is aimed at paving the way for meaningful transformation of the continent by institutionalizing democratic governance in all member states of the Union. Respect for human rights, promotion of free and fair elections on a regular basis, condemnation of unconstitutional changes of government, strengthening good governance, the promotion and protection of the independence of the judiciary, and other basic tenets of democracy and good governance are the core elements of the Charter. It also codifies and institutionalizes the African Union’s rejection of unconstitutional changes of government, a principle firmly enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The Protocol to the OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism is also expected to further enhance the cooperation between Member States in the fight against terrorism. Ethiopia still faces major challenges in the process of democratization, of human rights and of good governance. The Government, however, is totally committed to these elements of development. It is on the right track and has made some impressive progress. Not everything has worked out as planned or hoped. There are problems; we have made mistakes. At the same time during this year, the New Millennium and the launching of Ethiopia's Renaissance have been given a sound foundation to enable us to overcome the remaining challenges of moving to another stage in the effort to become a middle income country. We believe we are well able to make the necessary concerted effort. ********** ·· President Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea gave a lengthy interview to the government media on the occasion of the European New Year. True to form, his interview was short on substance and long on sloganeering. A number of questions were raised and numerous topics covered during the interview. As was often the case in his previous interviews, the president talked at length on issues the breadth and complexities of which is far beyond the comprehension of ordinary Eritreans. At his wit’s end to show off his deep understanding of history, economics and international politics, he went on a lengthy drivel that sometimes reached comical levels. The president offered unsolicited advice on Middle East Peace, the War on Terror, the world financial crisis and what not, all the while flaunting his ‘in-depth’ knowledge on the issues. All told, the president sounded like a philosopher king presiding over world affairs than the leader of a tiny impoverished nation teetering on the brink of disaster. In what has become his trademark style for quite sometime now, he ducked most of the questions related to domestic issues. Even when he made the attempt to address such issues, he made sure to belittle the significance and dismiss the accuracy of questions raised by the Eritrean population regarding bread & butter issues. Veiled references to unspecified riches and false hopes of improved life style were the most common themes of his responses. There were also moments where he chided Eritreans whom he said were fabricating stories of maladministration and corruption as well as those who continue making demands for a better access to the barest necessities of life. All told, the Eritrea that President Isaias wanted the world to see was a far cry from the poverty-stricken, over-militarized and crisis ridden police state that it has actually become. But there were more interesting aspects to President Isaias’ responses during his latest interview than his largely irrelevant rambling about the successes of his forty year old project, namely—building an independent, prosperous and powerful Eritrea. While his delusional success stories could be dismissed as an uphill struggle to paint his regime in a positive light to a jaded constituency, his apparent obsession with making his influence felt far & wide in the region and beyond should not be taken lightly. To the extent that Eritrea still faced any challenges, the PFDJ leader claimed, it was the repeated acts of belligerency the successive American administrations—and more particularly the Bush Administration—perpetrated against his regime. America has always been out to get us, not just since independence, but way before the 50s, when they tried to stifle our aspirations for freedom, Isaias recounted. He even claims that the CIA has been hatching plot after a plot against Eritrea. According to him, the challenge posed by Eritrea’s other enemies—Ethiopia, Djibouti, Yemen—pales in comparison to what the US represents. His regime has bones to pick with the US in just about every issue that may come his way. And his country has been locked in a perpetual enmity with America from which he is sure to survive unscathed “because we have been nobody’s servants.” That President Isaias makes paranoia sound like a normal state of mind, is no where more apparent than in his latest interview. Not surprisingly, his self-delusion is not limited to how he views the progress Eritrea has made economically over the years. It also extends to what he believes his role is going to be in shaping the state of affairs in the entire sub-region. The president insists that despite his good efforts, external interference by ‘others’ has complicated the peace process in Sudan. Despite the preponderance of evidence to the contrary, he reserves the moral high ground of peace making in Darfur. While accusing the Djibouti government of declaring war on Eritrea, he warns rather hawkishly that “they (Djibouti) would have to pay that debt”, a veiled reference to a threat to use force to settle the score. With regard to Somalia, he thinks his regime has “the obligation and trust” to play a role towards restoring normalcy to the Country and promote peace in the region. As pointed out numerous times in the Week in the Horn, Eritrea can play a constructive role if and when it refrains from the subversive acts that it has actively been engaged in the entire sub-region. As his remarks on Djibouti clearly indicate, the regime in Asmara would not stop at nothing to flex its muscle at those it may perceive as vulnerable. How such a belligerent posturing could pass for a constructive engagement such as the Eritrean leader refers to is beyond comprehension. If anything, Eritrea has been good at externalizing its domestic crisis onto others through all kinds of subversive acts. Perhaps the most interesting issue he canvassed during his interview was Eritrea’s relationship with Ethiopia. What makes his remarks on this particular issue more interesting is his attempt to give a historical context to what he claims is his vision for a united Ethiopia and his roadmap towards achieving that goal. According to the president, his front—EPLF—had consistently championed the cause of Ethiopian Unity from early on. He even goes as far as claiming that this in fact was the source of much difference between his Front and the TPLF/EPRDF. Apparently, he is gambling so shamelessly on the hope that he might be able to pull off support among the Ethiopian public. He has also concluded that the FDRE constitution has deepened the divisions among the various ethnic groups of Ethiopia and hence a need for some solution to avert a cataclysmic disintegration of Ethiopia. His promise to work towards creating conducive environment for coexistence is meant to achieve a coalition of like minded non-state actors under his leadership. This of course is his roadmap towards maintaining Ethiopian Unity, i.e. bringing all forces of reaction under his tutelage to effect a regime change. Obviously, Isaias would do anything to realize his one true quest: launch campaigns that could stand in the way of Ethiopia’s progress, coddle any party that has an axe to grind with Ethiopia, use any arsenal that could potentially set the nation ablaze, and what not. Apparently, president Isaias—whose only enemy is the US—knows how best to fight against the US: by doing everything in his powers to destabilize Ethiopia. What is the silver lining in President Isaias’ new found love affair with Ethiopia’s unity?! Eritrea is in crisis, its youth either in the army-itself already in shambles—or seizing every opportunity to leave the country often at high risks to their lives. Its economy is in doldrums, with its oversized army and its top brass preying on what little there is by way of resources. Through it all, the leadership in Asmara is neither unwilling nor capable to face up to the challenges of addressing these issues as this would require to shift resources away from campaigns of wreaking havoc on neighbors and destabilizing the whole region. The preferred way of diffusing the crisis is Isaias’ time-honored tactic: export the crisis abroad. Too emasculated to launch all out attack, they resort to subversion and terror. Unfortunately, the price they have paid for this has been far too little to make them think twice before they venture into these adventures. As the recent interview seems to corroborate, the people in Asmara may yet feel they can get away with a few more of these acts, ironically all in the name of constructive engagement. ********** · On 6 January 2008 the House of Peoples Representatives approved the Proclamation on Charities and Societies in Ethiopia. The adoption of this law followed extensive public deliberations during the drafting process, a participatory process that has been the subject of a concerted campaign of disinformation in certain quarters. The proclamation itself was greeted by several media outlets with claims that the Ethiopian parliament had adopted a law restricting or even prohibiting the work of civil society organizations. Nothing could be further from the reality of the law and its objectives.
Charities and civil societies are not new in Ethiopia. Laws governing their establishment and operation go back over five decades. Not surprisingly these legal instruments have long been overtaken by the changes that occurred over this period. In particular, after the demise of the former military regime and the institution of full freedom of association in the country the number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has dramatically increased and their areas of activity multiplied. One result has been that the laws and legal practices were no longer relevant to administer the multifaceted operations of charities and societies and their relations with members, government institutions, beneficiaries or even fund providers. The legal structures lacked clarity, predictability, and effectiveness. Decisions were being left to the discretion of administrative officials, largely guided by practice, making them unpredictable. Indeed, the functions carried out by the NGOs, the use of funds, and other matters, were being left largely unsupervised. There was little or no accountability.
This was unsustainable and the time for the government to address the situation was long overdue. Starting from the basis that freedom of association is guaranteed under the Constitution of Ethiopia and under international human rights instruments ratified by Ethiopia, the drafting process of the new law involved investigating successful experiences from different countries and adapting these in light of experience. The defining considerations were the Constitution and the reality on the ground. After an initial draft was prepared, the Government solicited views from stakeholders, principally from NGOs working in the country. It conducted a high profile series of consultative meetings with NGOs and other concerned parties. Two of these meetings were with the Prime Minister, and these widespread consultations helped the government refine the drafts to produce a comprehensive, participatory and inclusive piece of legislation on charities and societies. A final consultative meeting was held at Parliament involving different NGOs and other stakeholders, giving them one last opportunity to present their views. All this made it clear that the intention of the legislation was to nurture the continued development of active and organized civil society organizations in Ethiopia. The law will help NGOs continue their vital role in advancing the socio-economic interests of the country.
As stated in the preamble of the legislation, the law is aimed at ensuring the “right to association”, and at “aiding and facilitating the role of Charities and Societies in the overall development of Ethiopian peoples.” To accomplish these objectives, the legislation for the formation and operation of charities and societies in Ethiopia establishes the Charities and Societies Agency as an autonomous institution with the objectives of helping charities and societies achieve their purposes and of ensuring their legality, transparency, and accountability. Another notable feature of the law relates to the identification and enumeration of criteria for the registration, refusal, suspension and cancellation or organizations, leaving no room for abuse by administrative officials. It provides the right of appeal against decisions of the Charities Agency to a Board, the members of which specifically include representatives of the charities and societies. The legislation in fact also provides for an efficient system of claims and for the appeal process against administrative decisions or court adjudications.
Despite sensational media claims there is no limitation on the activities carried out by Ethiopian charities. Foreign charities, however, are not allowed to engage in political activities as of right. This is normal practice in most countries, as political activities, by their very nature, are reserved for citizens, and this is a very usual limitation. It is always the policy of sovereign states to limit the influence of foreigners and any efforts they might make to try and finance political activities. Aside from politics, foreign charities are free to operate and assist in the much-needed developmental activities and humanitarian needs of the country.
The legislation provides for the efficient use of funds for the purposes of any charity, for their administrative expenses and for their more efficient establishment and operation. The legislation requires reports (identifying finances and activities), details of coordination, and of their rules and regulations. There is provision for the supervision of all charities and societies and details of the accountability required of such organizations and their officials. Charities and societies are allowed to engage in profit-making activities to ensure their self-sufficiency and continuity as development actors. In this regard, it should be noted that the limitation that an Ethiopian charity that desires to participate in political activity can only receive 10% of its funds from foreign sources is intended to limit the undesirable influence of foreign entities in domestic politics. This is a customary limitation imposed by other governments all around the world. It is indeed standard practice to refuse foreign entities permission to meddle in the internal politics of a country. There are no grounds for foreign entities to engage in political activities or to try and unduly influence political developments. There is, however, scope in the legislation for the government to give special dispensations for foreign actors to contribute in this area if necessary.
The penalties for violating the provisions of the proclamation are mainly monetary. Failing to keep proper accounts, or to record monies received, for instance, is punishable by fines. Failure to submit an annual statement of account in accordance with acceptable standards to the Charities and Societies Agency; failure to produce proper statements of receipt, payment and assets for the Agency; failure to keep statements of account and related documents for at least five years; and failure to report on bank accounts, annually or upon request, are all punishable with fines. None of this is either surprising or in any way abnormal. In fact, overall there's no doubt this legislation will help ensure clarity and predictability in the operation of charities and societies in Ethiopia, and improve arrangements for the licensing, registration and operation of these crucial entities in Ethiopia. Most of all it would ensure that the public would obtain maximum benefit. |
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Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Ministry of Foreign Affairs
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