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The African Union’s 14th Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and
Government
The 14th Ordinary Summit of the African Union was held from 31
January to 2 February in Addis Ababa. It was preceded by the
Executive Council meeting (Ministers of Foreign Affairs) from 28
to 29 January, and the Permanent Representative Committee
meeting, 25 to 26 January. The Summit was attended by over
thirty Heads of State and Government from across the continent
as well as other invited guests including the current
Chairperson of the European Union, Prime Minister José Luis
Rodrigues Zapattero of Spain, and the United Nations
Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon.
The Summit, organized under the theme "Information and
Communication Technologies in Africa: Prospects and Challenges
for Development" was, by any standards, a success with the
adoption of numerous important decisions concerning, inter alia,
the new Chairperson of the Union, information and communication
technologies, conflict situations in Africa, unconstitutional
changes of government and the strengthening of the capacity of
the AU to manage such situations, the election of the new
members of the Peace and Security Council, the Copenhagen Accord
on Climate Change, the budget (of over US$250 million for 2010),
the way forward for NEPAD and the situation in Haiti as well as
the venue and date for the next Summit.
The Summit passed a number of important decisions beginning with
the election of the new Chairperson, President Bingu wa
Mutharika of Malawi. It was the southern region's turn to assume
the rotating one year Chairmanship of the Union and President
Mutharika was endorsed by his peers. In an unequivocal
affirmation of the African Union’s rules, the rule of rotation
was strictly adhered to despite attempts to extend the outgoing
Chairperson's tenure. In his acceptance speech, President
Mutharika stressed his intention to focus on agriculture and on
mobilizing the continent towards achievement of the goal of food
security in Africa within the next five years.
On the theme of Information and Communication Technologies,
following presentations made by, among others, President Jacob
Zuma of South Africa, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda and
President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal, the Summit adopted a
Declaration reiterating its commitment to strengthen national
programmes and regional cooperation for the development and
interconnection of broadband infrastructures and the improvement
of rural area connectivity.
On peace and security, the Summit passed decisions on, inter
alia, conflict situations in the Horn of Africa and Madagascar.
On Somalia and regional stability, the Summit welcomed UN
Security Council’s imposition of sanctions (Resolution 1907
(2009) on Eritrea, including the arms embargo, travel
restrictions and an asset freeze; it called upon the UN Security
Council Sanctions Committee to urgently designate the relevant
Eritrean military and political leaders and other persons and
entities to allow for an effective sanctions regime to be
implemented as soon as possible; and urged the Security Council
to speedily act on the AU’s earlier request for the imposition
of a no-fly zone and the blockade of sea ports to prevent the
entry into Somalia of foreign elements and the supply of
logistical and other support to the insurgency. It was an
unequivocal condemnation of the actions of the Eritrean regime
and its efforts to undermine regional stability. Africa wants
the UN Security Council and its Sanctions Committee to act
speedily. The onus is now on the UN Security Council to act
swiftly in the implementation of its own resolution for the sake
of the peace and stability of the Horn of Africa.
On Sudan, the Summit noted the forthcoming national elections in
April 2010 and the planned referendum on self-determination for
Southern Sudan in January 2011. It expressed its support for
steps taken to ensure the holding of free and fair elections. It
noted with satisfaction the progress made in improving the
humanitarian and security situation in Darfur. It endorsed the
Communiqué of the AU Peace and Security Council of 29 October
2009 and reiterated that the recommendations of the AU High
Level Panel on Darfur led by former President Thabo Mbeki should
be the basis of the AU engagement in Darfur and its interaction
with international partners. On Madagascar, following the
proposal of the SADC member states, the Summit stressed the
Maputo Agreement and the Addis Ababa Additional Act remain the
only roadmap for a comprehensive solution to the crisis. It
urged the current illegal regime in Antananarivo to desist from
attempts to impose unilateral solutions to the current crisis,
and underlined the leading role of SADC in the mediation
process. This decision was a clear signal to the international
community and to all the parties concerned that SADC is best
placed to lead the mediation process. The international
community should support the region’s efforts and should not, in
any way, undertake activities that could be seen as sending
mixed signals to the illegal regime in Madagascar, and so
undermine SADC’s attempts to restore constitutional order in the
country.
There is no doubt that the AU has to remain firm and strictly
enforce the Constitutive Act and the Lome Declaration regarding
situations of unconstitutional change of government as in
Madagascar. Any compromise or exception will undo all the
efforts that the continent has been making to sustain and
entrench an irreversible process of democratization and the rule
of law in Africa. The Summit decided to strengthen existing
instruments on unconstitutional changes of government: those
responsible for any unconstitutional changes of government will
not be able to participate in elections held to restore
constitutional order; sanctions will be imposed on any member
state proven to have instigated or supported an unconstitutional
change of government in another state; and member states should
refrain from granting accreditation to any de facto authorities
in international bodies including the UN and its General
Assembly, thus tightening the existing AU automatic suspension
measures. The Summit requested all AU partners, bilateral and
multilateral, including the UN and the EU, to refrain from any
actions which might undermine the efforts of the AU and send
confusing signals to perpetrators of unconstitutional changes.
This strengthening of the AU legal framework against
unconstitutional changes of government, if supported by AU
partners, should provide a strong deterrent against the
continuing plague of coups d'etat in Africa as well as provide a
more robust response to such actions.
The Summit elected new members for the AU Peace and Security
Council, to assume their seats on 1st April.
Equatorial Guinea from central region, Kenya from eastern
region, Libya from northern region, Zimbabwe from southern
region and Nigeria from western region were each elected for a
three year term. Burundi and Chad from central region, Djibouti
and Rwanda from eastern region, Mauritania from northern region,
Namibia and South Africa from southern region, Benin, Cote
d'Ivoire and Mali from western region were elected for two year
terms.
As Coordinator of the Conference of African Heads of State and
Government on Climate Change (CAHOSCC), Prime Minister Meles
reported the outcome of the 15th Conference of Parties to the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
and the Kyoto Protocol held in December 2009 in Copenhagen. The
Summit overwhelmingly adopted the recommendations of the Report,
with the exception of Egypt which objected to the endorsement of
the Copenhagen Accord arguing that its operation and activities
should remain under review. The position was not shared by the
majority of states that intervened on this issue, and the Summit
endorsed the provisions of the Copenhagen Accord. It strongly
reaffirmed that the Accord constituted a solid basis for moving
forward and negotiating a legally binding agreement that will
uphold Africa’s interests in terms of mitigation and adaptation.
It instructed the Chairperson of the Commission to register the
AU as a party to the Copenhagen Accord. In an unequivocal
endorsement of Prime Minister Meles’s efforts at Copenhagen, the
Summit extended his position as Coordinator of CAHOSCC for the
Conferences of Parties to be held in Mexico this year and in
South Africa in 2011.
As Chairperson of the NEPAD Heads of State and Government
Implementation Committee (HSGIC), Prime Minister Meles also
presented a report on the outcome of the 22nd NEPAD HSGIC held
in Addis Ababa on 30 January, the day before the Summit. In
accordance with the report’s recommendations, the Summit decided
Africa should undertake an independent assessment of the
G8/Africa partnership. It urged the adoption of a new strategic
approach focusing on partnership dialogue on African development
policy issues and called for the institutionalization of
Africa's engagement within the G20. This will allow for the
desired paradigm shift from management of poverty to economic
transformation so that Africa can address existing imbalances
and play a significant role in the integrated world economy. The
win-win benefits to be derived from such a strategic shift are
obvious. Africa can become a global growth pole to help bridge
global economic imbalances in terms of demand and supply. The
Summit approved the establishment of the NEPAD Planning and
Coordinating Agency as a technical body of the African Union,
replacing the NEPAD Secretariat. It will be financed through the
AU Commission’s budget. It also agreed the change of name of
NEPAD HSGIC into the NEPAD Heads of State and Government
Orientation Committee (HSGOC); and to maintain the NEPAD
Steering Committee as an intermediary body to interface between
the HSGOC and the new Agency. In light of some reports this
week, it is perhaps worth underlining that NEPAD and the Peer
Review Mechanism have not been abolished: both remain fully
active.
The Summit offered its deepest sympathy and solidarity to the
people of Haiti for the tragedy of the devastating earthquake of
January 12th. It requested the Chairperson of the AU
Commission, in collaboration with the African Development Bank,
to set up an African Humanitarian Fund for Haiti to which all
states were asked to contribute, and to send a mission to Haiti.
During the closing ceremony, Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves of
Saint Vincent and Grenadines made a heartfelt plea to African
leaders to participate in the conference to be organized in the
Dominican Republic and dedicated to the reconstruction of Haiti.
The Summit also expressed its deep regret and sorrow for the
loss of life caused by the tragic crash on January 25th
of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 409 flying from Beirut to Addis
Ababa. It conveyed its heartfelt condolences and sympathy to the
people and Government of Ethiopia, Ethiopian Airlines and the
families of the victims. Ethiopia conveyed its appreciation to
the Summit and to all member states for the outpouring of
sympathy it had received.
The next Ordinary Session of the Heads of State and Government
of the African Union will be held in Kampala, Uganda from 25th
- 27th July. It will be preceded by meetings of the
Permanent Representatives from 19th - 20th
July, and by the Executive Council 22nd - 23rd
July.
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Eritrea’s allegations over denied attendance scorned by the AU
Shortly before the opening of the African Union Summit in Addis
Ababa on Sunday, Eritrea’s Foreign Minister, Mr. Osman Saleh,
wrote to the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Dr. Jean Ping
accusing Ethiopia of refusing to accept Eritrea’s representation
in the AU. In his letter, datelined Tripoli, Mr. Osman made the
completely unfounded claim that Eritrea had been denied its
“basic rights” to participate for ten years in AU summits and
other AU meetings held in Addis Ababa. In these supposed
circumstances, he added, the AU should not discuss any matters
regarding Eritrea. The letter was, as requested, circulated to
the Heads of State and Government.
In his reply, also circulated, Dr. Ping pointed out that he had
been given categorical assurances that Eritrea was free to
establish a Mission to the AU in Addis Ababa. No attempt had
been made to prevent Eritrea’s participation in this, or any
previous AU Summits. Dr. Ping noted that this information had
also been conveyed to the Government of Eritrea some years ago
by the former Chairperson of the Commission, Professor Alpha
Oumar Konare. Professor Konare had informed the Eritrean
Government that its Mission could be accredited only to the AU,
and would have no bilateral functions, though it would, of
course, in accordance with international practice, have
facilities to live and work in Addis Ababa. Countries that do
not have relations with the United States have missions to the
United Nations in New York under similar circumstances. Addis
Ababa, as the seat of the African Union, is the virtual capital
of Africa. Ethiopia is fully aware of responsibility for the
African Union. It has never prevented delegations from any AU
member states from attending meetings in Addis Ababa, nor would
it ever do so. The Government of Eritrea was fully aware that
the necessary entry visas were, as usual, available, and the
Protocol Department of Ministry of Foreign Affairs had, as
always, been ready to arrange accommodation and security for any
Eritrean delegation. Eritrea had, as on previous occasions,
merely refused to participate in any AU meetings in Addis Ababa
for its own reasons. Dr. Ping concluded his response by urging
the Government of Eritrea to re-establish its mission to the AU
as soon as possible and resume attendance at meetings held in
Addis Ababa.
In a press conference yesterday, Ethiopia’s Permanent
Representative to the AU, Ambassador Konjit Sinegiorgis pointed
out that Ethiopia has the obligation to respect the rights of
all member states of the AU to participate in meetings in Addis
Ababa. It would never deny visas to any officials of AU member
states. Ambassador Konjit said that an Eritrean delegation had
in fact taken part in the AU session in Addis Ababa in 2003;
since then it had been the decision of the Eritrean Government
not to take part in AU summits or other AU meetings in Addis
Ababa. It should be pointed out that Ethiopia never closed down
the Eritrean Mission in Addis Ababa even during the
Eritrean-Ethiopian war. The embassy was, in fact, closed by the
Government of Eritrea’s own decision.
As could be expected, the AU Heads of State and Government took
no notice of Eritrea’s demand not to discuss any issues relating
to Eritrea at this week’s Summit. The Governments of Djibouti
and Somalia made it clear that Eritrea, despite the UN Security
Council sanctions imposed last month, was continuing to send
insurgents into their territories, and to provide extremist
opposition elements with assistance and support. As we noted
above, the Heads of State and Government collectively condemned
Eritrea for its actions in the region, describing Eritrea as
still busy with its negative role in destabilizing regional
peace and security. They welcomed the UN sanctions against
Eritrea imposed on December 23rd. These include an
arms embargo, travel sanctions and an asset freeze on political
and military leaders. The Heads of State and Government urged
the UN Security Council to designate urgently the relevant names
to allow for the sanctions to be effectively implemented as soon
as possible. They also asked the Security Council to act
speedily on the AU’s earlier request for the implementation of a
no-fly zone and the blockage of ports to prevent arms,
logistical and other support, including foreign fighters,
reaching the insurgents in Somalia, from Eritrea or anywhere
else. In this context, it might be noted that the Government of
Switzerland, on Wednesday, announced that as of February 4th
it was adopting the sanctions against Eritrea. Eritrea, a
Government statement said, “...in supporting armed Somali rebel
groups, threatens peace efforts and the stability of the
region.”
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IGAD’s Council of Ministers 34th Extra-ordinary
session
IGAD’s Council of Ministers took the opportunity of the AU
Executive Council session last week to meet on Saturday, January
30th. The meeting was chaired by Ethiopia’s Foreign
Minister, Ato Seyoum Mesfin, current chairperson of the IGAD
Council of Ministers. It was attended by the Foreign Ministers
of Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, Uganda and the State Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia as well as the Ambassador of Sudan
to Djibouti, the Sudanese Representative to IGAD. The Council
heard briefings on developments in the region since its 33rd
Council Meeting in Djibouti in early December from Mr. Ali Ahmed
Jama, Somalia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Engineer Mahboub
Maalim, the Executive Secretary of IGAD, the Hon. Kipruto arap
Kirwa, IGAD Facilitator for Somalia Peace and National
Reconciliation and Ato Lissane Yohannes, IGAD Special Envoy to
the Assessment and Evaluation Commission of the CPA in Sudan.
The Council also heard statements from Dr. Jean Ping,
Chairperson of the AU Commission, Mr. Ahmadou Ould-Abdella,
Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Somalia,
Mr. Stefano Pontecorvo, Director for Sub-Saharan Africa in the
Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, representing the IGAD
Partners Forum (IPF) and Ambassador Ahmed Salah-Eldin Noah, the
Arab League’s Permanent Representative to the AU and UNECA, and
Ambassador to Ethiopia.
The IGAD Council deliberated at length on the situation in
Somalia as well as the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement in Sudan, the situation in Yemen and on IGAD
institutional issues. In its final communiqué, the Council of
Ministers commended the continued efforts of the TFG to work for
peace and national reconciliation despite the enormous
challenges it faced. It reiterated IGAD’s unwavering support for
the TFG as it works to achieve the targets for the transition
period. And it called upon the international community to
redouble its efforts in Somalia to provide the TFG with the
financial, material and technical assistance necessary to
rebuild state institutions, and in particular the security
sector.
The Council welcomed the adoption on 23rd December by
the UN Security Council of Resolution 1907 (2009) imposing
sanctions on Eritrea. It called upon the Sanctions Committee to
designate as soon as possible the targeted Eritrean military and
political leaders to empower an effective sanctions regime. It
also reiterated the request for the Security Council to take
prompt action on the imposition of a no-fly zone and blockade of
specific Somali ports to prevent the entry of foreign elements
and logistical supplies to the terrorist groups of Al-Shabaab
and Hizbul Islam. The AU Summit made the same points a day or
two later.
The Council also expressed concern over security and political
developments in Yemen, and affirmed its support for the
Government of Yemen. On Sudan it urged the two parties to deal
with outstanding issues in the implementation of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and said it would send a
high-level ministerial delegation to discuss these with the
parties. The communiqué welcomed the acceptance of the Court of
Arbitration ruling on Abyei and the preparations for the
election in April. It directed the Secretariat to produce
programs and seminars to encourage a culture of peace in Sudan.
The Council also took note of the Executive Secretary’s report
on progress made in the development of an IGAD peace and
security strategy, in the Minimum Integration Plan and in the
organizational restructuring of IGAD.
In a statement this week, Eritrea’s Foreign Ministry also
criticised the meeting of IGAD Foreign Ministers, complaining
that it was devoid of legality, because giving the TFG a seat in
IGAD was short-sighted, and because Eritrea had suspended its
membership of IGAD three years ago. Eritrea’s version of
legality could only make sense in Asmara. It has no relevance to
anyone else. We might also recall that for Asmara even UN
Security Council decisions are equally “illegal”.
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Al-Shabaab
finally goes public on its links to al Qaeda
Meanwhile, in Somalia, on Monday this week, Al-Shabaab publicly
confirmed for the first time its links to al Qaeda. In a
statement issued in Arabic and Somali on an Islamist website in
Sweden, the terrorist group said it was merging with another
extremist group, the Ras Kamboni brigade based in Kismayo and
headed by Sheikh Hassan Abdullahi Hirsi “Turki”. The joint
terrorist group will take the name of Al Shabaab Mujahideen
Movement. The Ras Kamboni brigade had previously been one of the
four groups making up Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys’ Hizbul Islam.
The aim of the merger was said to “counter the international
crusaders’ war against Muslims and to combine the jihad of the
Horn of Africa with the international jihad”, that is the jihad
led by al Qaeda and Sheikh Osama bin
Laden. The agreement also referred to the need “to support
Muslims, particularly the Muslim people of the east and the Horn
of Africa living under enemy Christians”, and “to embark on the
establishment of an Islamic government that implements the law
of Allah.” Among the signatories for Al-Shabaab
were
Sheikh Muktar Abdirahman Abu Zubeyr “Ahmed Abdi Godane”, the
present Emir or chairman of Al-Shabaab, Sheikh Muktar Robow Ali
“Abu Mansur”, and Sheikh Fu’ad Mohammed Khalaf. Although Al-Shabaab’s
links with al Qaeda have been known for a long time, this is the
first time that Al-Shabaab itself has formally admitted to the
connection which has already provided for a significant number
of foreign fighters. These have introduced many of the more
vicious tactics into Al-Shabaab terrorist activities including
the repeated use of suicide bombs and numerous attacks on
civilians, including women and children. Al-Shabaab has sent
fighters to train with al Qaeda in Afghanistan in the past and
al Qaeda leaders have called on Muslims to support Al-Shabaab.
In March last year, bin Laden issued a video addressed to the
“patient, persevering Muslim brothers in mujahid Somalia”,
explicitly endorsing Al-Shabaab.
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Bilateral Meeting between the Prime Ministers of Ethiopia and
Spain
The Prime Minister of Spain, Senor Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero,
who was in Addis Ababa as Guest of Honour of the African Union
Summit, representing the Presidency of the European Union, held
bilateral discussions with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on
Sunday, January 31st. The two prime ministers
exchanged views on a wide range of bilateral and regional issues
of common interest. They expressed their satisfaction at the
excellent state of the bilateral partnership existing between
the two countries, and also noted the need to take advantage of
these excellent relations to promote private sector investment
particularly in the areas of energy and infrastructure. They
agreed the growing interest on the part of Spanish companies to
invest in Ethiopia needed to be supported by both countries.
The two prime ministers also exchanged views on regional issues
in the Horn of Africa. Prime Minister Meles briefed his guest
on the current situation in Somalia. He informed the Spanish
Prime Minister that with the situation on the ground in Somalia
becoming increasingly serious, the need for all round support
for the TFG is extremely urgent. Prime Minister Zapatero on his
part informed Prime Minister Meles that Spain, well aware of the
critical situation in Somalia, is currently leading the EU
training initiative of Somali security forces taking place in
Uganda. Prime Minister Meles commended the lead role that Spain
has taken on this initiative, and said that Africa expects no
less from Spain as an immediate neighbor of Africa. Spain and
Ethiopia also agreed to continue to work together on the
Alliance of Civilizations which provides a platform for
civilized dialogue amongst the various cultures and faiths of
the world.
Foreign Minister Seyoum also held extensive bilateral
discussions with Ministers and heads of delegation from various
countries on the margins of AU Executive Council meeting. In
addition to a number of Foreign Ministers from Africa, he met
and held discussions with the Foreign Ministers of Canada,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Luxembourg and Palestine. After
bilateral discussions with the Foreign Minister of the Palestine
National Authority, Dr. Ryad Al-Malki, Minister Seyoum and Dr.
Malki attended a flag raising ceremony held at the Palestine
National Authority’s embassy. Dr Malki thanked Minister Seyoum
for giving the Palestine National Authority the title deeds to
the premises that the embassy have been using for several years.
Dr. Tekeda Alemu, State Minister of Foreign Affairs, also held
separate discussions with a number of heads of delegation of
African countries to the Executive Council of the African Union,
as well as other heads of delegation from Finland, Denmark,
Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands.
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The first Multipurpose Project meeting for the Eastern Nile in
Khartoum
The Eastern Nile Subsidiary Action Program (ENSAP) Team, the
advisory and management arm of the Eastern Nile, held its 24th
Meeting in Khartoum on January 29th. ENSAP, one of
the two subsidiary action programs of the Nile Basin Initiative,
groups Egypt, Ethiopia and the Sudan. It involves the Eastern
Nile Council of Ministers for Water Resources and the Eastern
Nile Subsidiary Action Program Team (ENSAPT) which is
responsible for managing the work of the Eastern Nile Technical
Office (ENTRO), the regional organization for ENSAP based in
Addis Ababa. The 24th ENSAPT meeting dealt with
various administrative and budgetary matters.
ENSAPT was followed by the first meeting of the Joint
Multipurpose Project 1 Identification Study (JMP1-ID) on
Saturday and Sunday, January 30th -31st.
The JMP is a flagship program of ENSAP. The objective of the
identification study is to identify and prioritize options for
the first JMP investment package. It will involve a series of
studies and consultative activities to take into account
economic, social and environmental sustainability issues in an
integrated manner. There will be two components: identification
studies and capacity building and implementation support
elements.
The meeting was officially opened by the Minister of Irrigation
and Water Resources of the Sudan, and the opening speeches,
including statements by the representatives of Egypt and
Ethiopia set a positive tone for the workshop. An inspirational
key note speech was made by Professor O’Connell of Newcastle
University, whose wide ranging experience and interest in
faith-based and moral and ethical under-pinning, provided an
excellent basis from which to assess the JMP, which he believed
to be a potentially rewarding project.
Linkages between the identification study and Site Specific
Studies (SSS) on the Abbay, including the Mendaya and Beko-Abo
Hydropower Projects in Ethiopia, were detailed and elaborated.
JMP consultants identified the approach and methodology of the
project. Participants emphasized the long term vision and the
joint benefits of the cross-country program including a
coordinated set of investments and large scale infrastructural
developments. The JMP1-ID study is expected to take 18 months.
The discussions generated during the workshop certainly
benefited ENTRO, the consultants and all those participating.
The workshop enhanced the awareness of participants and
increased understanding of what JMP is all about and how it will
generate multiple benefits, including countries’ development
aspirations and protecting the Nile River.
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Senatorial confirmation hearing for U.S. Ambassador-designate
to Ethiopia
This week, the Africa Sub-Committee of the United States Senate
Foreign Relations Committee held a confirmation hearing for
Ambassador Donald E Booth, U.S. Ambassador-designate to
Ethiopia. We welcome the fact that the confirmation process has
started and hope a speedy confirmation will allow Mr. Booth take
up his post shortly and contribute to further enhancement of the
positive relations between Ethiopia and the United States.
It is now customary for Senatorial confirmation hearings for
ambassadorial nominees to focus almost exclusively on the
country to which the nominee is designated, rather than on the
nominee. Indeed, these hearings have increasingly become a
platform to chastise some developing countries which has nothing
to do with the confirmation process. This week’s confirmation
hearing was no exception with Ethiopia as the unwilling subject
of some unjustified criticism. Of course, divergent views can be
expected in such hearings. The problem is, however, that
erroneous opinions are often presented as facts.
The Chairman of the Africa Sub-Committee, Senator Russ Feingold,
who chaired the confirmation hearing, noted in his opening
remarks that over recent years, Ethiopia had been “an important
partner of the United States in a tough neighborhood”; the two
countries had shared interests and he hoped the partnership
would continue. However, he then went on to claim there was a
“growing repressiveness by the Ethiopian Government”, alleging
that several new laws had been passed granting “broad
discretionary powers to the government to arrest opponents’.
Senator Feingold didn’t spell out these alleged powers, making
it difficult to respond specifically, but there are, in fact, no
laws in Ethiopia which allow the Government to arrest anyone at
will. All arrests and similar actions must be and are carried
out under due legal process. The presence of over 90 political
parties in Ethiopia, all with their own political programs and
operating freely attests to the fact that Ethiopia, despite all
challenges, should be classified as an emerging democracy. It’s
not perfect, but it is on the right path to sustained peace,
democracy and economic development.
Senator James Inhofe differed sharply from Senator Feingold’s
account of the progress made in democratization particularly
since the 2005 elections. He pointed out the changes carried out
since 2005, among them amendments to parliamentary rules and
procedures giving more voice to opposition Members of
Parliament, including an opposition day, Prime Minister’s
Question Time, and the representation of the opposition in all
Parliamentary standing committees; the reform of the Electoral
Board and the Election Law, public financing and free use of
publicly-owned media for all political parties during election
campaigns. The aim, he noted, was to ensure the upcoming
election was free and fair.
Despite the considerable progress Ethiopia has been making in
democratization, some still find it easier to echo the
allegations of some opposition elements inside and outside the
country rather than making any serious effort to find out the
facts. Some outside observers appear to believe that only
individual politicians, and parties, that routinely violate the
country’s laws or refuse to abide by the principles of the rule
of law, can be considered “real” opposition. They even deny the
reality of the vast majority of opposition political parties
that respect the constitutional order and work within the law.
It was disappointing to see that Senator Feingold made no
acknowledgement of the positive, and indeed historic,
inter-party negotiations which resulted in the signing of the
election Code of Conduct by over sixty five political parties
competing in the upcoming election. In fact, he seemed to offer
solace and encouragement to those who reject peaceful dialogue
and whose sole agenda is to try to undermine and de-legitimize
the elections. This is certainly no help to the democratization
process in Ethiopia. We do not believe Senator Feingold harbors
any strong ill-will towards Ethiopia. We think he is
ill-informed and lacks accurate information. We believe he
should make considerably more effort to be fair and balanced, to
be open-minded in his assessment of Ethiopia which, despite all
the challenges in an extremely volatile region, is registering
impressive results in its efforts to achieve sustainable peace,
democracy and economic development. Its current efforts to make
the May elections peaceful, democratic, free and fair are an
integral part of this. Senator Feingold should do this not only
in the interests of Ethiopia but also in those of the United
States.
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Ensuring the integrity of the coming election: undemocratic
proclivities
The
government of Ethiopia has time and time again stated that
democratization in Ethiopia is not a matter of choice but one of
survival. Not only does democracy offer the peoples of Ethiopia
the opportunity to administer themselves, it also ensures the
fullest possible participation of citizens in the formulation,
implementation and monitoring of the various political, economic
and social policies needed to
raise
the country
from
poverty.
Equally,
ensuring
the survival of the Ethiopian state
also requires
sustainable
economic development
which in turn needs
a political
environment
that provides for
the
creation and development of institutions
allowing
citizens to
exercise the
widest
extent of
rights and freedoms,
political,
economic
and
social.
The efforts
of the last
18 or so
years have
gone
a long way
to put in
place the
institutions
necessary to build
a just and
well ordered society and
create a
political
space based on the principles
to guide a
representative democracy. Despite some setbacks,
largely resulting from
the lack of
democratic culture and mistrust
arising from historic
legacies,
most of the process has
been
promising. Thanks
to
the various institutional and policy measures introduced
so
far, the peoples of Ethiopia now realize how indispensable
participation in the political process is in changing their
lives for the better. Ethiopians from all
parts
of the
country have
now
developed a sense of ownership towards the political process.
The
huge turnout in past elections
and the extensive
participation in grass root politics on a daily basis
are clear indications
that the process has
taken
on a momentum of its own.
It was moved too far to
be
adversely affected by
any
acts of subversion.
Equally,
there is
no
room
yet
for complacency.
Democratization
in Ethiopia
is in an incipient stage and
still needs
careful nurturing.
It requires that
the
activities of the various stakeholders in the political process
should all
contribute
to the enhancement of the
process
not
detract from it. While the success of the whole project
ultimately rests on the extent to which the people of Ethiopia
take their ownership of the process seriously, it
is also true that
many stakeholders can
still
play a
pivotal role in ensuring the institutionalization of democratic
culture and tolerance and the promotion of civilized discourse.
Political
parties,
ruling
and opposition alike,
still have
major
responsibility to
check any
activities
or
tendencies that could
interfere in the
institutionalization of democracy and respect for the rule of
law.
As we have
stated before, the role of political parties in the
strengthening of the democratization process in any country
is central.
Parties
serve as the channels
through which public interests
are
articulated,
providing for
the
aspirations of
the different
sections of
society. The EPRDF,
and the government it leads,
have
demonstrated
a firm
conviction that plurality of ideas helps
to
further cement democracy and the ideals of good governance.
The Government has in fact done its
level best
to widen the political space
to allow
as many
contending ideas as possible
to
come to the
fore.
The agreement between the parties signing the Code of Conduct
has been one such positive step
transcending the petty squabbles that have
so
long characterized
inter-party
relations.
Nevertheless,
the
behaviour of some political actors still leaves a lot to be
desired.
The
attitude of some towards the entire process and their
negative
response to
the recent overtures by the
EPRDF and the majority of the
opposition
parties is
hardly
reassuring.
Some might even call it sinister. It appears
no amount
of goodwill
from the
ruling
party
can
persuade them into giving it the benefit of the doubt,
or exhibit
the kind of trust required to ensure the peaceful conclusion of
the elections.
The
major figures
among these
politicians
place far too high a premium on the outcome of elections,
ignoring the
process by
which they are conducted.
They insist on an
outcome
that
only
vindicates
their wishes.
They have made it clear they will stop at nothing to try to de-legitimize
any outcome in which they do not
win.
Recent
comments
made by two opposition
figures speak
volumes
about the counter-productive approach
this
group
appears
more than
willing to employ.
According to Dr. Merera Gudina, the ruling party has never had,
either in the past or today,
any
intention to allow free and fair elections to take place.
He
characterizes the recent overtures of the ruling party as mere
window-dressing aimed at hoodwinking the international community.
In
an extreme display of cynicism, he suggests that the EPRDF
should
dispense
with what he calls its ‘false pretences’
and instead go for the
kind of
political system “the Communist Party has put in place in China”,
thus sparing everybody all election hassles. This is
clearly
part of
a
campaign to discredit the democratic political experience.
Dr. Merera is not alone in his efforts. Another
high-ranking politician
from the
same
opposition bloc,
Ato
Siye
Abraha,
has been even blunter. He is certain the
ruling
party is going to rig the next elections. He doesn’t
think even for a moment that the EPRDF can legitimately win this
election.
He even suggests that none of the recent elections have
come
anywhere close to the level of freedom
to be seen in
elections
in
Haile Selassie’s reign.
This
outlandish
comparison
is
clearly
not intended to heap
praise on
the Emperor’s
“democratic”
record
but rather to disparage the EPRDF’s efforts as
devoid of
genuine intention.
Despite this, he also manages to show pride in his own election
to Parliament on two occasions before he fell out with his
former party, the EPRDF.
There are interesting similarities between the arguments.
Both, for
example,
refuse to
believe the
ruling party has ever been genuine about anything related to
democracy in general
or
elections in particular. Both are
quite
certain the elections are going to be rigged. Both are extremely
confident they
would win if
the
elections are half as fair as the EPRDF claims. The corollary of all this is that if
the
National Electoral Board declares the
ruling
party victorious
then they will take this as positive proof that the election has
been rigged. The underlying
assumption
is that there
is no
chance that
the
peoples of Ethiopia would choose any other party or candidate
than
their own in a free election. It is symptomatic of their
arrogance
and their anti-democratic proclivity that
they assume
people
must vote them into office before they will consider the process
free and fair. It is an
attitude
that borders dangerously on contempt
for the voters as well as for the whole electoral process.
The bottom
line is
that
there are
still
some
politicians who
refuse
to settle
for an outcome less than that of victory
no
matter how free and fair
the process, and they seem
more than
prepared to muddy the waters if
their wishes are not met.
This is
both unfair and unhelpful. Unfair, because it discounts
all
positive developments registered so far as inconsequential.
There has in fact
never been
a time in the history of this country in which
so many
people have
been positively affected by the fundamental political changes
that have taken place
in
the last two decades.
People
have a much more solid understanding of what constitutes their
best interests
and
the resources
to allow them to
make
choices on the basis of sound political judgment.
It
is unhelpful because it threatens to render the entire political
process hostage to the ambitions of politicians who have
difficulty
in
thinking beyond a single election term.
Such an
attitude
can gather
unchecked
momentum that
is not
easily
affected by rational discourse.
Ethiopians
deserve better.
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