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The International Contact Group (ICG)
held its 16th meeting at the Organization of Islamic Conference
hall in Jeddah on Thursday (December 17th). The meeting was
chaired by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General
for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould Abdallah, and attended by the Prime
Minister of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), a number of
senior government officials, and representatives of the countries
and organizations in the ICG on Somalia. Ethiopia was represented
by a delegation led by Dr. Tekeda Alemu, State Minister for
Foreign Affairs. The meeting was officially opened by the
Secretary General of the OIC, Prof. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, who
noted the OIC’s support for all genuine efforts aimed at finding
peaceful and lasting solution to Somalia’s crisis. He condemned in
the strongest terms possible the recent suicide bombing and the
cowardly murder of innocent civilians, students and Ministers, and
urged the meeting to send a strong clear message that terrorist
activities and violence would never be rewarded. He also
underlined that it was incumbent for everyone to continue to work
together with the TFG to protect the collective international
investment in the interest of regional and international peace and
security.
The SRSG, Mr. Ahmedou Ould Abdallah,
noted that the situation in Somalia might appear most discouraging
but this, he said, is why “We cannot give up on our moral
obligations and responsibilities…. we are in Somalia to help the
Government be a more credible partner to its own people, and to
the international community and to live in peace with its people
and the region”. Mr. Ould Abdallah made it clear that it was
important to listen to Somalis and to the voice of the region,
IGAD. IGAD is on the front line, exposed to the flow of refugees
and insecurity. “We need to listen to and support the African
Union which has a physical presence in AMISOM.
The Somali Prime Minister detailed the
guiding principles and vision of the TFG, outlining the process of
reconciliation and out reach that the TFG is following, the
requirements needed for support to the TFG’s security
institutions, the mechanisms for coordination between the TFG and
the international community and plans for the holding of an
international conference. TFG ministers attending the meeting
elaborated further on these themes presented to the meeting in
four working documents. In the ensuing discussion, Dr. Tekeda
Alemu, stressed it would be unfair if the international community
placed unrealistic preconditions on assistance for the TFG
particularly since its extremist opponents were getting
unconditional and well-coordinated support: “We are of the view
that the international community has not been as generous and as
effective in its support commensurate with the challenges that the
TFG faces”. He quoted the Chairperson of IGAD’s recent Ministerial
meeting that it was not that difficult to sort out the problems in
Somalia as the extremists did not have a popular base. “What is
required is determined, effective and consistent support of the
international community in various areas, particularly in
security”. One element of this is the readiness of the TFG to
bring on board all those committed to peace and national
reconciliation. More needs to be done in this area, but as the
IGAD Ministers highlighted forcefully: “[The] Djibouti Agreement
provides the sole basis for continuous reconciliation efforts. In
this connection, the Council rejects any attempt aimed at
launching new peace initiatives which would ultimately undermine
what has been achieved so far”. Dr. Tekeda reminded the meeting of
IGAD’s support for the Strategic Plan of the Office of the IGAD
Facilitator on Re-Establishing Effective Government Institutions
in Somalia (2009-2011), making the TFG the fulcrum of all
activities. He said the ICG should now build on the decisions of
the IGAD Council and support the TFG both politically and
economically in a concrete way. This would allow the government
not only to protect itself but also begin to provide services to
the population.
The communiqué issued at the end of the
ICG meeting welcomed the direction provided by the government in
its working papers, and the progress made in these areas. This
increased the confidence of the international community in the
TFG’s capacity to deliver. The ICG reiterated its full support for
the TFG. It welcomed the TFG’s commitment to continue its outreach
efforts to all groups willing to cooperate and which were ready to
renounce violence. It encouraged the TFG to continue and expand
its efforts. The ICG reiterated IGAD’s position that the Djibouti
process is the framework within which all international efforts
should be undertaken. It called on all groups and factions to join
the Djibouti process and work with the TFG, the legitimate and
internationally recognized Government of Somalia. The ICG
condemned the continuing violence carried out against Somali
civilians by extremists, in particular the suicide bomb attack on
the graduation ceremony in Mogadishu on 3 December 2009. It
reiterated its full support for the excellent work carried out by
AMISOM, appreciating the role of Uganda and Burundi, and called on
the international community to provide coordinated and sustained
support to build Somali security institutions, including the
provision of stipends following completion of training. The ICG
welcomed the convening of the newly refocused Joint Security
Committee and High Level Committee. It appreciated the TFG’s
commitment to fully implement the Djibouti Agreement, and agreed
that holding a well-planned international conference, as specified
in the Djibouti Agreement, would be an important contribution
towards establishing the objectives of the transition process. It
also agreed that discussion on transition should be placed within
the framework of a longer term recovery effort. The ICG called for
the international community to offer practical, and where
possible, direct support to the TFG. This would give the TFG the
opportunity to demonstrate that it can deliver and be held
accountable. The ICG said it believed the international community
should make further progress on understanding the requirements of
the TFG, and it welcomed the continuing development of the
partnership between the TFG and the international community. It
deplored the continuing scourge of piracy, welcomed the
international maritime presence but recognized the causes of
piracy were to be found on land and should be addressed urgently.
The ICG noted the call by the TFG for the international community
to establish a greater presence in Mogadishu as soon as possible.
It welcomed the OIC’s decision to open an office there. In
conclusion, it thanked the OIC for arranging the meeting and the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for hosting it. The next ICG meeting will
be hosted by the League of Arab States in Cairo at a date to be
determined.
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This week, the spiritual leader of Ahlu
Sunna wal-Jamma, Sheikh Mahamud Sheikh Hassan Farah, accompanied
by a 14 member delegation visited Addis Ababa, holding discussions
with Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin last Sunday. Sheikh Mahamud
briefed Minister Seyoum on Ahlu Sunna’s aims and objectives. He
pointed out the movement’s primary goal was for the different
communities in Somalia to live in peaceful coexistence without any
one group imposing its will on others. Ahlu Sunna believed in the
absolute necessity of promoting good neighborliness in the region.
Sheikh Mahamud added that a necessary condition for peace and
stability in Somalia and the region was the removal of extremist
elements from Somalia, particularly Al-Shabaab.
Sheikh Mahamud emphasized that Ahlu
Sunna fully accepted that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG)
has the recognition of the international community, and it must
therefore be the basis for all internal and external efforts to
bring peace, stability and order to Somalia under the Djibouti
Agreement. Any government that excluded extremists is better than
no government, and Ahlu Sunna was ready to work with the TFG. At
the same time he noted that the agreement signed between Ahlu
Sunna and the TFG in Nairobi in June has not worked out as Ahlu
Sunna had hoped. He said Ahlu Sunna had confronted Al-Shabaab over
30 times during the last year and had been able to defeat it
regularly. Full implementation of the Nairobi agreement would have
created conditions to weaken and eventually wipe out Al-Shabaab -
Hizbul Islam forces from most of Somalia. He added that Ahlu Sunna
was now preparing to hold its first Congress. Once this had been
held it would be able to devote all its energies to engage
extremists more fully throughout central and south Somalia.
Sheikh Mahamud said he was dismayed by
the apparent emergence of a parallel movement. He hoped the TFG
leadership would assist in maintaining the unity of Ahlu Sunna to
enable it to co-operate with the TFG more effectively. He appealed
to Minister Seyoum for Ethiopian mediation to eliminate any minor
differences between the TFG and Ahlu Sunna and to help keep Ahlu
Sunna united. Sheikh Mahamud emphasized that Ethiopia could help
towards the fulfillment of the common objectives of all Somalis
and assist the international community to understand more clearly
where its own interests lie.
Minister Seyoum on his part expressed
his appreciation of the stance of Sheikh Mahamud and of Ahlu Sunna
towards the TFG, the legitimate government of Somalia born out of
the Djibouti process with full support from the international
community. He agreed with Ahlu Sunna on the absolute need to
promote peaceful co-existence in Somalia and the region, and to
remove extremist elements. The Minister acknowledged the existence
of problems within Ahlu Sunna and in its relations with the TFG
but made it clear he thought these were not basic differences and
that they could easily be resolved by negotiation and compromise.
He said it was the philosophy of Ahlu Sunna, based on tolerance
and moderation, which united all Somalis. The opposite view was
that of Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam which not only promoted
extremism but was also closely linked to international Jihadist
movements and “spoilers”, in particular, Al Qaeda. The ideology of
extremism was the primary cause of the lack of peace and stability
in Somalia today, and posed increasing threats to the region and
beyond.
Minister Seyoum emphasized the need for
Ahlu Sunna to work with the TFG. The Government of Ethiopia, he
said, would assist in any way to bring unity to Ahlu Sunna, and
encourage cooperation with the TFG so they could face the common
challenge from extremism together. He noted if existing minor
differences between the TFG and Ahlu Sunna were allowed to widen,
it would create more opportunities for Al-Shabaab and Hizbul
Islam, and also lead to further difficulties for Ethiopia, the
region and the International Community, making it harder to assist
Somalia to reach peace and stability.
Meanwhile, a meeting of the Defense
Ministers of AMISOM troop contributing countries and their
partners was held on Monday, in Addis Ababa. Chaired by AU
Commissioner for Peace and Security, Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra,
the Defense Ministers of Uganda and Burundi and the Somali
Minister of National Security were joined by representatives of
the United Nations, the League of Arab States, the European Union,
the Chair of IGAD Partners’ Forum, permanent representatives of
the UN Security Council, Ethiopia, Libya and Djibouti. The newly
appointed Special Representative of the Chairperson of the AU for
Somalia, Ambassador Diarra Boubacar Gaoussou, was introduced to
the meeting which discussed recent developments in Somalia,
strongly condemning the recent suicide bombing in Mogadishu, and
paying tribute to those who lost their lives. It discussed
yesterday’s International Contact Meeting in Jeddah which provided
the TFG with an opportunity to highlight its proposed progress
towards achieving peace and stability in Somalia. The meeting
noted the continued inability of AMISOM to reach its authorized
strength and urged that recruitment and training programs of the
Somali security forces be further encouraged, emphasizing the need
to train, equip, sustain and retain these adequately. It proposed
a study of the new requirements necessary for AMISOM, including
training for Somali security forces. The meeting also noted the
operational limitations on AMISOM’s maritime and air defense
capabilities and called for assistance in building these up. It
also called on those countries which had yet to fulfill their
Brussels’ pledges to do so urgently. The EU confirmed payment of
Euro 5.4 million to AMISOM troop contributing countries and
announced that a further instalment of Euro 30 million would
follow shortly. The meeting expressed its appreciation to the
troop contributing countries for their commitment to peace in
Somalia, and encouraged Djibouti and other states to deploy
promised contingents to AMISOM as soon as possible.
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The Copenhagen Conference on Climate
Change opened last week to try to produce a comprehensive deal on
a range of issues on global warming. Rumors of deadlock were rife
from day one, with major sticking points emerging over the most
critical and contentious issues, among them how much money
developing and vulnerable nations needed to adapt to rising seas,
drought and floods, over the costs of reducing carbon emissions,
over the acceptable temperature rises and other issues. There was
speculation that the Copenhagen negotiations might simply
collapse.
The talks finally took a more promising
turn on Wednesday when Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, on behalf of
the African Union, outlined details of a proposal aimed at
breaking the impasse. This envisaged the formation of a new
climate funding mechanism that would see poorer nations receive
$50bn a year from 2015 and $100bn a year from 2020 to help them
invest in low carbon technologies and climate adaptation measures.
For the short-term financing, Prime Minister Meles suggested a
trust fund, jointly administered by donor and recipient nations,
should manage the money, and that 40 percent be earmarked for
Africa. At least half the long-term fund should be allocated for
adaptation in "vulnerable and poor countries and regions such as
Africa and the small island states.” Every one of us knows that
Africa has contributed virtually nothing to global warming but has
been hit first and hardest," he said.
Prime Minister Meles also proposed the
formation of a new commission to report next year on how the
increased funding should be raised. The proposed commission would
have a governance structure giving developing nations an equal say
in the decision making process affecting the allocation of funds.
The fund, he added, could be financed through "creative financing
mechanisms" such as a carbon tax, the global auction of emission
rights, a Tobin tax on bank transactions or a tax on commercial
air traffic and shipping.
The proposal, which was in line with
plans put forward by a number of industrialized nations, including
the UK, was well received, among others, by Japan, Australia,
India and Brazil. The UK’s Lord Stern called the proposal "strong
and reasonable" and said the rich countries should “give their
strong support to the Meles plan, which has been put forward by an
African leader with the interests of developing countries at its
heart." According to The Guardian, UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown
also said that Meles' proposals were an important step forward and
his ideas were a "framework within which developed and developing
countries can work together".
Senator Hillary Clinton announced the US
commitment to contribute its “fair share” to the establishment of
a US$ 100 Billion per annum funding to meet the demands of
developing and vulnerable countries for adaptation to climate
change.
Reactions among NGOs varied. Greenpeace,
for example, welcomed the proposal, saying it "injected hope into
the stalling Copenhagen negotiations", and suggested that it would
increase pressure on President Obama to recognize the need for
long-term funding. Others expressed disappointment arguing that
the amounts involved were simply insufficient. Prime Minister
Meles acknowledged that the proposal "would disappoint those
Africans who from the point of view of justice have asked for full
compensation for the damage done to our development prospects".
However, he insisted this compromise plan represented the best
chance of a deal being done, adding that under the proposal poorer
nations would be guaranteed a say in how the money is distributed.
He accepted that it scaled back expectations of the level of
funding in but the return would be more reliable funding and a
seat at the table in the management of such funds. “Because we
stand to lose more than others”, he said, “we have to be
flexible." In lopsided negotiations such as those in
Copenhagen—where desperately poor nations are pitted against
highly entrenched interests of the developed world - questions of
justice are invariably met with cynicism at best and outright
rejection at worst. At the end of the day, politics is the art of
the possible—not an exercise in futility.
Deliberations at Copenhagen continue as
we go to press, but whatever the final result, it is clear that
the African delegates discharged their responsibility in a manner
that will secure the best outcome for Africa under the
circumstances. No matter what the outcome, Africa has played a
significant and important role in moving negotiations forward.
This is exactly what the Africa Union Committee of Heads of State
and Government on Climate Change (CAHOSCC) affirmed yesterday when
it reiterated Africa’s common position at the negotiations and
also expressed the continued confidence of Africa’s leaders in the
leadership role of Prime Minister Meles and their “appreciation
for his commitment and dedication.”
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The Honorable Marco Hausiku, Foreign
Minister of the Republic of Namibia has been on an official visit to
Ethiopia this week. His visit was a continuation of the exchange of
high level visits between the two countries since the first official
visit by Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin to Namibia in 2007. Minister
Hausiku held talks on Tuesday with Ato Seyoum Mesfin on wide-ranging
issues of bilateral cooperation. Their discussions covered economic
and technical investment issues, trade, air links, culture, tourism
and foreign relations. The two sides reviewed the implementation of
existing cooperation agreements and explored new areas for further
cooperation for the mutual benefit of both countries. They agreed to
set up a Joint Ministerial Commission to fully implement existing
cooperation agreements and to work together to identify additional
potential areas of cooperation to expand their bilateral relations.
They further agreed to expedite the signing of cooperation
agreements in the areas of investment and trade as well as to
prepare draft cooperation agreements for signature.
Minister Marco Hausiku was received in
audience by President Girma Wolde-Giorgis, and by Prime Minister
Meles Zenawi. He also held meetings with the Minister of Culture and
Tourism and the Chief Executive Officer of the Ethiopian Airlines as
well as briefing African Resident Ambassadors on the current
situation in Namibia and exchanging views on issues of importance to
Africa. He visited historic sites in Amhara Regional State as well
as museums and flower farms in and around Addis Ababa. The Namibian
Foreign Minister was guest of honor at a dinner hosted by Minister
Seyoum on Tuesday.
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The sixth session of the UN Human Rights
Council’s Working Group on Universal Periodic Review, held from 30
November -11 December 2009, reviewed the human rights record of a
number of countries including Ethiopia. The review involved an
interactive dialogue between members and observers of the Council,
and covered issues incorporated in Ethiopia’s national report, a
compilation of relevant documents from human rights treaty bodies
and a summary of contributions from other stakeholders including
NGOs. The Ethiopian delegation was led by Ambassador Fisseha Yimer,
special advisor to the Minister of Foreign of Affairs of Ethiopia.
In his opening statement, Ambassador Fisseha introduced the report
and outlined the various steps taken by the government to fully
implement its human rights obligations under international human
rights law. In the interactive dialogue that followed, held in an
atmosphere of constructive and open discussion, 53 states
including both members and observers of the Human Rights Council
took the floor to discuss Ethiopia’s first report under the
Universal Periodic Review. In addition to commenting on the
country’s report and raising questions, several countries put
forward recommendations.
A great majority of these states
commended Ethiopia’s progress in legislative reform, its
institutional capacity building and the economic reform programs
which had sparked recent sustained economic growth. China noted
various achievements in promotion and protection of human rights
particularly in the area of economic development which helped the
realization of socio-economic rights. The United Kingdom expressed
satisfaction at ‘the priority the Government has given to the
Millennium Development Goals, including the progress made in
establishing free and universal primary education.’ Morocco
applauded Ethiopia’s federal system which, it argued, guaranteed
the protection of the rights of the country’s various ethnic
groups and minorities. Norway stated its appreciation of
Ethiopia’s cooperation with UN human rights bodies and highlighted
positive developments including the National Action Plan on Gender
Equality as well as federal laws relevant to the rights of women.
India welcomed the attention the Government has paid to technical
and vocation training in education, and the encouraging results
achieved with respect to the provision of credit for Micro and
Small Scale Enterprises. Many other states commended various
positive developments and offered recommendations to further
strengthening these gains.
A total of 139 recommendations were
provided during the interactive dialogue. The Ethiopian delegation
announced its immediate acceptance of 98 of the recommendations.
Only a handful didn’t get the support of the delegation which said
it would reply to some recommendations before the upcoming session
of the Human Rights Council. Among the most commonly cited
recommendations were ratification of additional human rights
instruments, the strengthening of national human rights
institutions, protection of vulnerable groups such as women and
children from harmful traditional practices, protection of the
rights of human rights defenders and journalists, promotion of
human rights education and training, and international cooperation
and assistance.
The Ethiopian delegation held several
closed meetings with members of the Troika (Italy, Chile and
Kyrgyzstan) to iron out the details of the recommendations and
finalize the working group’s report. In its final meeting, held on
11 December, the Chairperson of the Troika, Ambassador Laura
Mirachian of Italy, introduced the report. In her brief summary of
the review process, the Ambassador noted that the work of the Troika
had been conducted in a constructive and friendly atmosphere. She
stated that the participation of a large number of states in the
review process was indicative of the serious interest countries took
in human rights developments in Ethiopia. She expressed appreciation
for Ethiopia’s commitment to the promotion and protection of human
rights, and particularly welcomed Ethiopia’s acceptance of the great
majority of the recommendations. In his concluding remarks,
Ambassador Fisseha commended the delegations which had taken the
floor to support Ethiopia’s efforts to implement the report. He
promised all outstanding questions would be answered in writing
before the 13th session of the Human Rights Session in March 2010.
The plenary of the Human Rights Council is expected to adopt the
Report of the Working Group in its forthcoming session.
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The role of an independent media in
the development of good governance and democratic political
culture cannot be overstated. Since the promulgation in 1992
of the country’s first Press Law, Ethiopia has had a
multiplicity of private newspapers, many, but not all,
contributing to the development of a democratic culture. At
times, press freedom has been used as an excuse for freedom to
sabotage the very political process some papers claimed to
support. Some newspapers masqueraded as champions of media
independence and other democratic values while riding
roughshod over the Constitution which forms the basis for the
entire process. There was an all-too-frequent lack of
professionalism and some of the press failed to play the role
that might have been expected in advancing the basic tenets of
democracy and good governance. Some papers and magazines have
folded, others have replaced them. The number of press
products in the marketplace remains impressive.
Any real analysis of the situation
of the press is complicated. Organizations like Reporters
Without Borders and the International Press Institute make
immediate assumptions that any government action in response
to violations of the law by media bodies, however legitimate
or legal, can only be seen as acts of persecution, intended to
suppress dissent. Even self-exiled agents of the ‘free press’
are automatically presented to the international media with
appropriate fanfare as champions of “press freedom”. Whatever
their real reasons for departure, newspaper editors and
journalists who leave Ethiopia are immediately described as
“victims of persecution”, a description of course that
automatically enhances their prospects of asylum and
reinforces any claims that they might make on their own
behalf.
The latest example of this has been
the case of Addis Neger, a two-year old Amharic weekly. Its
editors recently claimed to have closed the paper down and
fled from Ethiopia because they “they feared persecution and
intimidation” by the Government. Addis Neger was certainly one
of the most widely read newspapers in the country and was well
known for its scathing criticisms of the Government, but as
Reporters Without Borders knows well it has not been the only
media outlet critical of the Government, nor the most
outspoken. In fact, the assumption that allegations of
persecution must be true, simply because the editors claim to
have fled the country out of fear, does actually present some
difficulties. Addis Neger, which has always claimed to be a
hundred percent behind the truth, certainly called for a
change of government, but this did not constitute a crime.
Despite its political line, as the editors know well, Addis
Neger never faced anything in the way of an official
government complaint much less any sort of persecution that
could give rise to the “flight” of its editors. Indeed, its
editors actually said as much on TV only a few weeks earlier.
In a TV documentary which included interviews with many other
editors and journalists, from both government and independent
media, they stated they had never been subject to any form of
censorship by the government nor had the government ever tried
to interfere in their press activities. There was no mention
of any harassment. Surprisingly, too, for champions of the
‘free press’, the editors claim they finally decided to leave
only after they heard that a TV documentary was about to
portray them negatively. They also claimed that un-named but
“reliable” sources said the Government was preparing charges
against them. At least one of the editorial board actually
left on a scholarship to the US. Even after their departure,
the paper continued to publish for another three weeks before
it folded. Incidentally, the editors’ “flight” took place a
month before they made their statements to the international
media. One might also wonder why a government apparently
determined to devote so much time and energy to threatening
the editors of Addis Neger should, when it came to the point,
so easily allow the group to leave without difficulty.
All of this raises the question of exactly
what might lie behind such a carefully orchestrated performance,
besides the obvious aim of providing evidence for asylum claims.
Given the critical politics of the Addis Neger editorial board, it
seems likely that the forthcoming elections might have some
relevance, and certainly this has been raised by Addis Neger’s
foreign supporters. Addis Neger ceased publication at the end of
November; and it was on December 8 that the National Electoral Board
(a frequent target of Addis Neger criticisms) announced the start of
the election campaign. Voting takes place next May. A US Embassy
statement claimed that the closure might contribute to a perception
that independent media space in Ethiopia was being constrained, and
Reporters Without Borders said the decision by the editors of Addis
Neger to close down and flee was evidence of “a climate of fear”. As
Prime Minister Meles noted, it is difficult to take such claims
seriously if only because Reporters Without Borders always assumes
all such claims are true and never bothers to try and verify such
claims.
There are roughly two schools of thought
regarding the elections and the role the opposition should play. One
holds that there is a lot that can and should be done to make the
elections free and fair, and places much emphasis on the outcome of
what will be a democratic exercise. The recent Code of Conduct
signed by four parties and endorsed by almost all other parties, was
one development pointing in the right direction. Addis Neger, it
might be noted, was clearly unhappy about the recent inter-party
dialogue which led to the signing of the Code of Conduct. The second
approach sees the election in May as acceptable only if it results
in the removal of the incumbent. Proponents believe that if they
cannot have their own way, then they should do everything in their
power to deny the electoral process a legitimacy which they
apparently believe (quite wrongly) to be in their power to confer or
withdraw at will. Their stated approach is to try to discredit any
and all of the Government’s democratic credentials.
A perusal of Addis Neger’s output
demonstrates a close similarity of tone. It can hardly have been a
coincidence. It suggests the self-closure of Addis Neger might be
part of a bigger game-plan by opposition groups designed to try and
discredit the electoral process in advance, an element in a smear
campaign against government action over the next few months. Prime
Minister Meles suggested it might even be part of a wider effort to
try and resurrect the idea of a “color revolution” in Ethiopia. If
so, similar allegations can be expected to be made in the next few
months. Other journalists can be expected to appear to make similar
unfounded allegations. The only surprise, then, about the closure of
Addis Neger is the timing. It appears to have been premature. A
greater impact might have been expected had the editors waited
another couple of months or so.
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