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The UN
Secretary-General briefs the Security Council on his visit to
Somalia
In a meeting on
Tuesday, the Security Council welcomed the visit to Mogadishu by the
President of the General Assembly, Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, and
UN Secretary-General, Ban ki-Moon. After hearing Mr. Ban’s report,
the Council pointed out in a press statement that the consequences
of the problems in Somalia include terrorism, piracy and
hostage-taking. The Security Council reiterated its full support of
Mr. Ban’s efforts and those of Ambassador Mahiga, in collaboration
with the African Union (AU) and others to address Somalia’s
challenges. The Council welcomed the announcement that the United
Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) would relocate to
Mogadishu. It called for faster implementation of the roadmap of key
tasks and priorities while recognizing the need for international
support to facilitate the process. Members of the Council said
future support to the TFIs will be contingent on the completion of
tasks stipulated in the roadmap. The Council commended the efforts
of the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and Somali security forces. It
also reiterated its grave concern over the food crisis in Somalia
and welcomed the international response, urging Member States to
contribute to the UN consolidated appeal for Somalia. It appealed to
all parties and armed groups to ensure full and unhindered access
for delivery of humanitarian assistance.
In his briefing to
the Security Council, the Secretary-General said his visit was a
sign of improved security and of the investment that the United
Nations had made in supporting AMISOM. It was, he said, a crucial
moment for the international community and “we must seize this
moment for the people of Somalia and the stability of the region”.
All Mogadishu city districts were now effectively under the control
of the TFG with the support of AMISOM. The Secretary-General noted
that UNPOS would relocate to Mogadishu in January next year, and
said he had asked the United Nations country team to work more
closely with UNPOS to support the Transitional Federal Government’s
efforts in governance, recovery, development and capacity-building,
the central elements of the Roadmap. The Secretary-General noted
that despite progress important deadlines had been missed. He said
he had made clear to the TFG leaders that the transition must end in
August 2012, and he had, in particular, urged them to accelerate
constitutional and parliamentary reforms, which did not require
financial resources, but political will. He had stressed the
importance of building trust by ensuring accountability and
transparency.
The
Secretary-General said that the Islamist insurgents in Somalia were
retreating under mounting pressure from the government forces and
their militia allies, backed by Kenyan and Ethiopian forces. This,
he said, represented a unique opportunity to help stabilize the
country at large. It was important to develop coherent military
planning and ensure that military strategy is aligned with political
objectives. On the military front, he said the UN should not exclude
the incorporation of new forces and the expansion of AMISOM. A
joint AU-UN assessment was being carried out and the results would
be presented to the Council. In the meantime, he echoed the appeal
of the African Union and AMISOM troop contributing countries in
asking the Council to reconsider the financial and logistical
arrangements for supporting AMISOM operations. He stressed the
importance of AMISOM being able to deploy beyond Mogadishu and
raising its force to its full 12,000 strength, and provided with the
necessary equipment, including helicopters, and military engineering
capabilities. He welcomed the planned high-level meeting on Somalia
that the UK is organizing in London early next year.
There were few major
military activities reported over the last week, but as the rains
come to an end in southern Somalia, Kenyan troops and the TFG and
allied militias are finally preparing to move against Al-Shabaab
positions. Speaking to the nation on Kenya’s 48th Jamhuri
Day (Republic Day), President Kibaki explained that Kenya, faced by
security threats, had mandated its forces to pursue insurgents
operating from Somalia. Operations were being undertaken jointly by
Kenyan and TFG forces and, he said, it was important for the
international community, and for Kenyans, to understand that Kenya
was not at war with Somalia. He called on Kenyans to be extra
vigilant to enhance security; and appealed to Somalis to seize this
historic opportunity to stabilize their country. Prime Minister
Odinga, in a televised address, paid tribute to the Kenyan forces
and congratulated them on their efforts “in fighting the criminals
known as Al-Shabaab.” Kenyan officials said at the weekend that
Kenyan forces could start operating under the banner of AMISOM once
the AU and the UN Security Council finally approved the plan. The AU
Peace and Security Council has already asked Kenya formally to
re-hat its forces, and Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon indicated his
support. An official of the Kenyan Foreign Ministry indicated the
process might take two weeks. It would give Kenya’s military
involvement a regional dimension which would be of benefit to
Somalia. It would also reduce the financial burden on Kenya.
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Agreement for a deal at Durban but now comes the hard part
The Durban Climate
Conference was supposed to end on Friday evening last week. In fact,
it was early Sunday morning before the host, South Africa, was able
to announce agreement on a new roadmap for climate protocol
negotiations, after what reports referred to as “hundreds of hours
of bickering”. Delegates finally agreed to an EU-led plan to extend
the Kyoto Protocol and start on negotiations on a new climate deal
under which developed and developing countries will both work on an
agreement that will be legally binding on all parties, to be
finalized by 2015 and come into force after 2020. An Ad Hoc Working
Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action is now being set up
to start on the process. The deal was hailed by the UN and many as a
breakthrough. Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon told the Security
Council on Tuesday that the conference had agreed on a clear target
and timeline for reaching a legally binding deal and a recommitment
to the Kyoto Protocol as well as significant advances on technology
and financing, including the Green Climate Fund. He added that it
was now necessary to implement these decisions and keep what he
called the Durban spirit of cooperation and progress alive.
This may not be too
easy and it is certainly clear it will be highly complicated to get
a legal agreement acceptable to both developed and developing
countries, let alone one that will for the first time include China
and India as well as Europe and America. The form of words settled
upon at Durban is “an agreed outcome with legal force”. EU lawyers
say this means a legally binding commitment but it has already been
suggested it is vague enough for countries to dispute later on. At
the same time most of the detail has yet to be agreed and there will
be no teeth in the agreement until 2020: “the real challenge will be
in agreeing the fine print,” as an NGO director put it.
Time remains
critical. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change calculates
that emissions must peak by 2020 at the latest and decline rapidly
after that if any temperature rise is to have even a 50/50 chance of
being kept below 2 degrees Celsius, the point at which it regards
global warming as irreversible and catastrophic. This level will
bring water stress in arid and semi-arid countries, more floods in
low-lying coastal areas, coastal erosion in small island states, and
the elimination of up to 30 percent of animal and plant species. The
IPCC will produce its fifth assessment report in 2014 and most
research suggests this is likely to show the situation is growing
more serious.
The negotiations now
will have to deal with such issues as the greater responsibility of
the industrialized countries which have been producing emissions for
far longer than others; the fact that some have tried harder to
reduce emissions than others; different capabilities, and the
question of taking large forest areas into account (forests absorb
carbon). India, for example, made it clear it would insist on
equity: that is to take into account capabilities of developing
countries, populations that need to be lifted out of poverty, and
the non-responsibility of the developing nations.
There is also the
key question of funding. Developing countries have been promised
$100 billion a year to 2020, to come from the rich nations and the
private sector under the Green Climate Fund. This is to provide for
the creation of a green economy and for adaptation and mitigation of
the effects. The rich nations agreed at Copenhagen (2009) and Cancun
(2010) that they would provide $30 billion 2010-2012, and $100
billion a year after that. So far, however, progress has been small
although as Prime Minister Meles pointed out to the conference, the
question of getting the Fund up and running is of paramount
importance for Africans. For much of Africa, particularly for
farmers, adaptation to climate change is a challenge for here and
now.
The conference
accepted a report recommending the Green Climate Fund to be
established. It will be overseen by a body under the more
independent UN Framework Convention for Climate Change (UNFCCC), as
desired by developing countries, rather than the Global Environment
Facility which the European Union and United States wanted. The Fund
is to have 24 board members and a similar number of alternate
members, representing developed and developing countries equally.
Its assets will be managed by trustees, and the finance is to come
from public and private sources. The conference, however, did not
produce any concrete deal on the nature, the size or the sources of
the Fund. At the end of the conference it was still not clear where
and how the adaptation fund should be spent or on what projects. Nor
is it clear how the developed countries will generate the funds in
their own countries. Some NGOs have noted that there is actually no
money on the table for action on climate change in Africa. There are
only pledges and these are not legally binding. Some called the
Green Climate Fund no more than an “empty shell" at the moment.
In fact, the UN High
Level Advisory Group on Climate Finance, co-chaired by Prime
Minister Meles and Prime Minister Stolenberg of Norway, has
identified various possible sources including carbon pricing of
international transportation, a financial transaction tax, carbon
market flows and the auction of emission allowances. These could
generate up to an estimated $60 billion a year by 2020, but more
will be needed. Indeed, it remains unclear how far developed
countries, struggling with economic recession, costly austerity
measures and increasing budget deficits, will find these funds.
African countries are already concerned that the “Green Fund” may
not be made up of new contributions, but rather that money already
allocated will be dispersed under a different label.
Equally, the links
between the Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Committee to
oversee adaptation activities in developing countries, and the
Technology Executive Committee to oversee technology development and
transfer, have yet to be worked out. The conference did agree that a
technology mechanism should be fully operational by 2012 to "promote
and enhance the research, development, and deployment and diffusion
of environmentally sound technologies for mitigation and adaptation
in developing countries". The search is now on for a host for the
Climate Technology Centre and Network to promote technology transfer
between developed and developing countries. This is to “identify
climate-friendly technologies; facilitate their deployment and
adaptation to developing country needs; build national and regional
technology management capacity; and support the research,
development and demonstration of new climate-friendly technologies”.
There are other
worries. The Adaptation Committee, as an advisory body, has now been
made operational, but it will not be reporting to countries at the
highest level in climate change talks which would have increased its
effectiveness. There are fears this may affect the status and vital
importance of adaptation. The mechanism for Reducing Emissions from
Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+) provides incentives to
developing countries to conserve and plant more forests but progress
has been stalled by problems over financing, and the need to ensure
that emission reductions achieved through forest conservation are
measured and verified. A program was set up at Cancun to consider
ways of addressing loss and damage associated with climate change in
vulnerable countries. Its report delivered at Durban outlined the
problems of trying to assess this, emphasizing the gaps in
information. It has called for more research and for a study of the
impact of slow moving climatic effects like droughts.
The concerns of the
critics were given added point by the US Special Envoy for Climate
Change, Todd Stern, who upset delegates by suggesting that far from
preliminary talks starting immediately as the conference wanted, it
would probably take a year or more of preparatory work before
anything could realistically happen. On Monday this week Canada
exercised its right to withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol, the first
country to do so. According to its Environment Minister, Canada will
save up $13.6 billion by its withdrawal, avoiding potential
penalties associated with failing to meet emission targets under the
Kyoto Protocol. The figure was disputed and the decision was greeted
with dismay by the opposition in Canada as well as by the
international community, with France, China, the UK and Japan all
quick to condemn the move.
The executive
secretary of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change,
Christiana Figueres, regretted the Canadian move but pointed out
Canada still had a legal obligation under the Convention to reduce
emissions as well as a moral obligation. She urged developed
countries to meet their responsibilities under the UNFCCC, curb
emissions and “provide the agreed adequate support to developing
countries to build their own clean energy futures and adapt to
climate change impacts they are already experiencing.”
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The
first Russia-Africa Business Forum meets in Addis Ababa
The first
Russia-Africa Business Forum was opened here today in Addis Ababa in
the presence of Prime Minister Meles and the Special Representative
of the President of the Russian Federation for Cooperation with
African Countries, Mikhail Margelov, the co-chairmen of the Forum.
It was attended by around two hundred businessmen, officials and
others from Russia and the AU and Ethiopia as well as ministers from
, Mali, Niger, Zimbabwe, and other African countries, African
ambassadors in Addis Ababa and representatives of the largest
Russian corporations.
In the opening
session, Prime Minister Meles noted that Ethiopia and Russia had had
a long and friendly relationship dating back to Russian medical help
in support of Ethiopian troops at the battle of Adua when Italy’s
colonial ambitions were defeated. This relationship, he said, had
continued and indeed extended during the Soviet era, with economic,
educational and security cooperation reaching a high level. Russia
indeed had been an old and true friend of Ethiopia and of Africa.
There had then been something of a hiatus in Russia-Africa
cooperation as Russia had been engaged in a very difficult and
complex transition, and Africa had also been struggling to cope with
massive internal and externally induced challenges. Nevertheless,
throughout this difficult period the spirit of friendship and
partnership had been maintained. Now, the Prime Minister emphasized,
cooperation between Africa and new and emerging partners was
increasing significantly. He expressed the wish that similar
arrangements might be established between Africa and the Russian
Federation. Russia, he noted, was a huge and enticing market for
African exports. It also produced much that Africa needed. Trade
relations could be massively increased and enhanced through direct
business contacts and government support. Russia has the capital and
technology needed to develop Africa’s infrastructure, help exploit
its natural resources and promote the industrialization of its
economies. It needs and is open to major Russian investment.
The Special
Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for
Cooperation with African Countries, Mr. Mikhail Margelov, noted that
events like the Forum emphasized the interests of Russian and
African business circles in enhancing practical links and
interactions. He said the agenda of the Forum covered topical issues
of trade as well as economic, scientific and technological, and
investment cooperation. The focus would be on launching promising
joint projects in such areas as energy, industrial production, high
technology, transport and agriculture. Mr. Margelov said the
bilateral trade turnover between Russia and African states had been
steadily growing since Russian corporations had started to
participate in African markets. These corporations were making major
investments in the development of steel and mineral resource
industries, computer technologies and satellite communications.
Mr. Margelov said
there was already a good basis for fully developing the potential of
mutually beneficial economic cooperation and turning this into a
more organized and structured interaction with African countries.
The productive work of the forum would be based on time-tested
traditions of Russian-African friendship and partnership. He said
Russian specialists had participated in the construction of numerous
plants as well as energy and infrastructure facilities in Africa. He
expressed his strong belief that the Forum would contribute to
achieving the goal of enhanced cooperation and help establish closer
contacts between the business communities of Russia and Africa as
well as negotiate new commercial contacts.
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The Alliance of
Civilizations’ Forum in Doha
The United Nations
Alliance of Civilizations opened its fourth annual forum on Sunday
in Doha, Qatar. Hosted by the Emir of the State of Qatar, Hamad bin
Khalifa Al Thani, some 2,500 delegates attended, including UN
Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon and the High Representative for the UN
Alliance of Civilizations, Jorge Sampaio, former President of
Portugal. Among those present were a number of heads of state and
ministers as well as representatives from the Arab League, the OIC,
the AU, the European Parliament and various UN organizations and
numerous scholars and academics. The Ethiopian delegation was led by
Ato Berhane Gebrechristos, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs.
This year’s forum is being held under the theme of “Intercultural
Dialogue to Boost Development”, aimed to encourage intercultural
dialogue as a key driver for sustainable development, security and
for peace and for the Millennium Development Goals. The Alliance, an
initiative proposed by Spanish Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodrigues
Zapatero and Turkish Premier, Tayyip Erdogan in 2005, encourages
international action against extremism through the forging of
international, intercultural and inter-religious dialogue and
cooperation, with a particular emphasis on defusing tensions between
the Western and Islamic worlds.
Addressing the
opening session of the Forum, Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon stressed
that “our differences are nothing compared to our shared humanity”.
The core values of the Alliance, he said, lay in “speaking out
against extremism, advancing tolerance, standing for justice,
dignity and mutual understanding.” He spoke of the need to help
nations in transition: “Reconciliation is essential for
transformations to succeed” and stressed that there was
“considerable scope for the Alliance to help these nations shape
their future”. He called on the Alliance to engage with students,
families, activists and their religious communities and ensure that
any dialogue leads to action “real and concrete to make this world
better for all people”.
In his address to
the Forum, Ambassador
Berhane noted that the world had done much to bring people together
by improving communications and transportation networks, but
internecine conflicts still continued to tear societies apart.
Promoting dialogue between peoples of different faiths and cultures
provided the best avenue to appreciate differences rather than treat
them as a source of divisiveness, and tapping this reservoir of
varied ideas could generate creative solutions to underdevelopment.
Interaction between people of different countries and different
religious persuasions could also help to tackle poverty. Investors
were often unaware of socio-economic, cultural and security
conditions and bringing people closer together allowed for more
realistic appraisals.
Ambassador Berhane noted that the Alliance’s objectives resonated
with Ethiopia’s most cherished values: respect for diversity and the
fostering of intercultural dialogue. Ethiopia had been at a
crossroads of civilizations for millennia, as a focal point for
trade to and from Africa and Europe, the Middle East and Asia.
Elements of Ethiopian culture had had a global impact, notably
coffee. Ethiopia was home to 80 ethnic groups and rightly called a
"mosaic of cultures." Followers from three of the world's major
religions, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism, had largely coexisted
peacefully in the country. Politically, Ethiopia had now adopted a
federal system devolving power to the grassroots. It had coupled
this with encouragement of local customs, providing space for its
array of ethnic groups. It had, in fact, contributed actively to the
Alliance's efforts to promote inter-faith and intercultural
dialogue. It would continue to do so. The Alliance, he noted,
advances inalienable core values to which Ethiopia was also
committed: respect for cultural, ethno-linguistic, and religious
differences; respect for the rights of women and minorities; and a
fundamental respect for the dignity of the human person.
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Now Asmara puts
blame on Russians as well as Americans
Since the tightening
of sanctions last week the regime in Asmara has unleashed a media
campaign of its usual invective against the US for its
“responsibility”. The US is alleged to be behind the sanctions and
history is repeatedly called upon to explain that it has always been
out to get Eritrea and the Eritreans. The regime claims that none of
the so-called evidence leveled against Eritrea matters, and to the
extent that Eritrea is found to be in the wrong by the United
Nations Security Council, this is entirely US fabrication. In the
same way, the fact that the Council voted sanctions with 13 in
favor, none against, and two merely abstaining, is also dismissed.
The regime simply ignores the possibility that the Security Council,
and indeed the international community might be capable of judging
it on the basis of the mountain of evidence now available.
Not for the first
time, it appears that the regime in Asmara is obsessed with the idea
that its enemies are really the great powers. It always chooses the
larger possibility rather than the smaller. When its forces were
routed by Ethiopia in 2000, President Isaias promptly chose to blame
Eritrea’s defeat on the US and other powers rather than admit he had
been out maneuvered by Ethiopian forces. Similarly, Eritrea, the
regime would have us believe, is too big and important to be the
subject of a sanctions draft from Gabon or Nigeria, or even IGAD.
These self-delusions
are on full display in the regime's current media campaign, coupled
with the lengthening list of its enemies. The tone is becoming
steadily more hysterical. One thing that is conspicuously missing,
it might be noted, is even the slightest hint of any admission of
responsibility. Indeed, far from this, the response has been more
threatening. A recent statement from Eritrea's foreign ministry
claims that the tightening of sanctions on Eritrea will have
disastrous consequences "for the people of Ethiopia". The threat of
extending its campaigns against the people of Ethiopia is very
clear. We must hope that the regime is not yet ready for a terminal
suicide campaign. Nevertheless, its statement may not be merely an
idle threat. Fortunately, however, for those on this side of the
Mereb River, security depends less on any Eritrean commitment to
peace than on our vigilance against its adventurism.
As we have seen, at
one level the reaction to tightened sanctions is to try to shift the
blame to others, coupled with a shrill claim of being the victim of
a concerted campaign led by the US. Not surprisingly, the regime is
very silent on why the rest of the world went along with the US in
this, though condescendingly it castigates the rest of the
international community as America's “pliant instruments”.
The Russians get
blamed for the explanation of how the UN Monitoring Group can claim
to have found weapons sold by Russia to Eritrea in the hands of
Al-Shabaab fighters. It has to be said it is a particularly bizarre
explanation. A government statement admits that the serial number of
some weapons found indicated that they did indeed belong to Eritrea.
The regime then investigated how these guns could have fallen into
the hands of Al-Shabaab. The result, according to the investigation,
was that the weapons were in fact still in the government’s hands.
So how was it
possible that they could be found in the hands of Al-Shabaab? Well,
the answer, according to the government statement, provides further
proof of just how sinister the US regime is. Apparently, the former
US Secretary of State, Collin Powell, agreed some years ago with his
Russian counterpart to exchange information regarding the sales of
each country's weapons to third parties. This, the statement claims,
explains how copies of the end user certificates of sales between
Russia and Eritrea ended up in the hands of the US government. The
US government, of course, handed this information over to the UN
Monitoring Group as part of its efforts to defame the Government of
Eritrea. The Russians, the statement tells us, were oblivious to
this arrangement when the 'so-called evidence' was submitted to them
by the UN Monitoring Group, but it was only when the Eritreans
alerted them to the arrangement that Russia had with the US that
they finally decided to abstain.
It is not entirely
clear if this alleged drama is meant to be taken seriously by
anyone, but the fact that the statement was made in Tigrigna, not in
English, suggests it was meant for domestic consumption. This leads
to the second level of the regime’s reaction towards the increased
sanctions. The first reaction has been indignation at the "injustice
visited upon the Eritrean people". At a different level, however,
the regime has been very keen to show that the sanctions are
actually “toothless, watered down" and that they can easily be
withstood by what the regime's ministry of information rather
curiously calls a “resolute rebuff" by Eritrean nationals. In other
words, the intent is to reassure its supporters that, despite the
campaign by the US and all its allies, sanctions will have no
effect: certainly they will be incapable of bringing about any
behavioral change by the regime.
That, of course, is
the crux of the matter. Whatever the nature of the sanctions, strong
or weak, just or unjust, there is no indication that the regime in
Asmara is prepared to even begin to mend its ways. It appears quite
determined to continue to lie, to prevaricate and keep trying to
dodge the impact of whatever sanctions may be imposed. That is why
implementation of the sanctions and of Resolution 2023 (2011) must
be taken seriously and properly implemented.
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News and Views
Ethiopian Airlines joins Star Alliance as a Boeing 787 starts its
Africa tour
On Monday,
Ethiopian Airlines (EAL) officially joined the Star Alliance,
becoming the Alliance’s 28th member and third to join in
Africa after South African Airways and Egyptair. Ato Tewolde
Gebremariam, Ethiopian Airlines’ Chief Executive, said joining the
most prestigious and longest serving air alliance in the world was a
historic milestone. It would help Ethiopian Airlines offer its
customers the benefits of being a member of a global airline
alliance. It would provide worldwide reach via the extensive
network, giving seamless travel and status recognition through
frequent flyer programs among other benefits. As part of the
Alliance’s Round the World fare it would also open the airline’s
network to globe trotters. Star Alliance’s CEO, Mr. Jaan Albrecht,
said having Ethiopian Airlines as a member of the Star Alliance was
a large step forward in completing the Alliance’s Africa strategy of
offering quality service to customers with widest choice of flights
to, from and within Africa. It would offer Alliance customers
substantial access to the growing markets across Africa. The Star
Alliance network would now offer more than 750 daily flights to 110
destinations in 48 countries in Africa, and 21,000 daily flights to
1,290 destinations in 189 countries worldwide. Ethiopian Airlines
official access to the Star Alliance came a day after Addis Ababa’s
Bole International Airport saw a Boeing 787, with an Ethiopian
captain at the controls, make the first landing in Africa of the new
Dreamliner which is on a six-month worldwide tour to display the
aircraft. Ethiopian Airlines has an order for ten Boeing 787
Dreamliners. The first, with a capacity for 270 passengers, is due
to be delivered in the second quarter of 2012. Ethiopian Airlines
will be the first African airline to receive the aircraft and plans
to use the planes to expand flights to existing destinations as well
as expand into more markets worldwide, including new destinations in
the Far East. Ato Tewolde said the arrival of the new planes would
boost EAL’s international competence and help provide a more
efficient and modern service delivery to passengers.
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Not the
Time to Look Away from refugees in the Horn of Africa
This
week the UN launched its consolidated appeal for Somalia for 2012,
requesting UN agencies and their humanitarian partners to provide a
$1.5 billion fund for the continuing humanitarian efforts needed in
Somalia. Nearly four million people (almost half of the Somali
population), 2.8 million of whom are in Al-Shabaab-controlled areas
of South-Central Somalia, remain in need of emergency aid including
food, water, shelter and health services. There is need of the
adoption and implementation of more coordinated policy measures to
facilitate effective delivery of aid, provide dependable aid-worker
security, protection for displaced people and maximum solutions to
displacement crises. The UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia,
Mark Bowden, at the launching of the appeal said although three
areas had been upgraded from famine to emergency status overall the
drought and famine situation in Somalia is expected to remain
critical well into next year. He called for continued early and full
funding: “the Somali crisis is everybody’s responsibility and
Somalis need support now; we cannot afford to wait or we will let
down the Somali people.” Tens of thousands of Somalis, he said, had
died this year as a result of drought and famine, though within
three months of the declaration of famine in July the numbers of
people receiving food aid had tripled to 2.6 million and almost half
a million children had received nutrition supplements. Reports have
indicated that the health situation has grown more complicated as
the onset of rains exacerbated the spread of disease in the camps of
displaced people. Continued fighting within Somalia and
destabilization efforts by Al-Shabaab also burden vulnerable
populations already suffering from hunger.
This
month alone, Al-Shabaab has blocked two International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC) convoys carrying emergency food aid for drought
victims. One was stopped in Gedo region and forced to travel to the
Al-Shabaab controlled town of Baidoa in Bay region.
Last month it outlawed 16 relief agencies including the U.N.'s World
Food Programme. UN
reports indicated that roughly half of the people in need of food
and other humanitarian assistance in Somalia reside outside the
capital, often in areas largely under Al-Shabaab control. Al-Shabaab’s
denial of access for the delivery of humanitarian aid and its
repeated seizure of aid added further complications. The UN has
estimated that over 250,000 people still continue to be at risk of
imminent starvation in South-Central Somalia, and any reduction in
the levels of their assistance could plunge these regions back in to
a state of famine. In fact, food production in Somalia is unlikely
to return to normal levels until the end of 2012 at the earliest.
Refugees, numbering over 463,000 in Kenya and over 138,000 in
Ethiopia, most of whom are Somali, as well as over 370,000
internally displaced people in and around Mogadishu and several
million more civilians throughout South-Central Somalia are all in
continued need of immediate food assistance. In addition, the
effects of the recent drought are also expected to continue to have
an impact on pastoralist communities in other countries of the
region.
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A “judgment in
error” says Kenya’s Attorney-General
Kenya’s
Attorney-General, Githu Muigai, has defended the Kenyan Government’s
appeal against the High Court order issued for the arrest of
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir should he set foot in Kenya. The
order was issued by Justice Obija in response to a
request
by the local branch of the International Commission of Jurists to
implement the International Criminal Court warrant against President
al-Bashir.
Attorney General Muigai said the Kenyan State Law Office had
evaluated the High Court judge’s ruling and was of the opinion that
it was “a judgment in error”. He said the State Law Office found the
ruling to be “against international law, the Rome Statute that
established the International Criminal Court, the Kenyan Statute
domesticating the Treaty, and the Kenyan Constitution”. He said both
Kenyan law and international law, including the Rome Treaty,
recognized the exception that a sitting head of state enjoyed
immunity. His office, he said, had already filed the notice of
appeal and was waiting the appointment of judges to hear the
matter. He added that the Kenyan Government was confident that the
Court of Appeal would overturn the arrest warrant. The
Attorney-General said the government had appealed not just because
of this case but to ensure correct interpretations of Kenyan law for
any future cases that might well face the country. Six Kenyan
politicians are currently facing the possibility of ICC trials.
Kenya is a signatory to the Rome treaty but also regards itself
bound by the African Union’s decision demanding deferral of the ICC
arrest warrant against President al-Bashir because it says
enforcement would complicate the peace process in Darfur.
The
Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Dr. Jean Ping, has
encouraged President Kibaki and President al-Bashir to seek ways to
clear up any misunderstanding to ensure the warrant does not damage
Kenya’s relations with the Sudan. Sudan delayed its response to the
warrant, including expulsion of Kenya’s Ambassador to Sudan and put
on hold a decision to bar all flights in and out of Kenya from Sudan
airspace and all its trade relations with Kenya, for two weeks to
allow the Kenyan government to resolve the matter. The Kenyan
Ministry of Justice said the period was too short as resolution of
an appeal process might take up to a year.
******
Eritrea’s National Congress for Democratic Change
A highly successful
National Congress for Democratic Change in Eritrea convened between
November 21st to November 30th in Hawassa in
Ethiopia’s Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional
State. The Congress was organized by Eritrea’s National Commission
for Democratic Change, a body elected in August the previous year.
It was attended by some 600 delegates from all around the world. The
Congress elected a 127 member National Assembly as well as adopting
a political charter, bylaws and a roadmap. A draft constitution was
also entrusted to the assembly to be used as a reference for
drafting a constitution in Eritrea after the downfall of the present
regime. Following the Congress, the National Assembly held its first
regular meeting on December 2nd and elected a speaker,
two deputies and two secretaries. It then chose a 21 member
executive committee, with Dr. Yusuf Berhanu of the Eritrean National
Salvation Front, a member of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA),
elected as chairman. Yohannes Asmelash (from a non-EDA organization)
was elected deputy chair. The committee is made up of eight members
of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance, five members of other political
organizations and eight members from non-affiliated civil
organizations. Overall, the formation of the National Assembly has
significantly broadened and strengthened the organization of the
opposition and resistance to the regime in Eritrea. With its charter
and its roadmap, it also offers a serious approach to the creation
of structures to deal with whatever happens inside Eritrea.
******
Is Eritrea reactivating
Sudan’s Eastern Front rebels?
A report from IRIN, a
media
service of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs,
last week suggested there was danger
of a renewed rebellion in Eastern Sudan. It quoted a UN official
working in Kassala on the Eritrean border that the region was “a
volcano waiting to erupt”. The Government in Khartoum signed a peace
accord with Eastern Front rebels in October 2006. The Eastern Front
was made up of two organizations, the Beja Congress and the Rashaida
Free Lions, two groups which had been armed and supported by Eritrea
over the previous two or three years. Indeed, it was Eritrea which
pushed the two organizations into a merger, setting up the Eastern
Front. Subsequently, after its own relations with the Government of
Sudan improved, it used its influence to persuade the Eastern Front
into talks with the Sudanese authorities. After the agreement, some
Beja leaders were given government positions, but development has
not been as extensive or quick as the Eastern Front hoped. Last
month, the Beja Congress joined the Sudan Revolutionary Front, an
umbrella group of opposition forces set up a few days earlier and
including the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) from Darfur, two
wings of the Sudan Liberation Army and the SPLM – North, with the
avowed aim of overthrowing the Government of President al-Bashir. In
the past several of these groups have been given training and
support in Eritrea, and the UN Monitoring Group has raised concerns
that Eritrea is currently arming opposition groups in Darfur. Now
there are reports that fighters from the Beja Congress are
organizing in the Hamid Mountains inside Eritrea, and IRIN quoted a
UN official that “unofficial sources have reported that they
organized attacks in Sudanese territory three months ago.” Given the
tight controls along the Eritrean-Sudan border to prevent people
escaping conscription, it would be surprising if Eritrean officials
were unaware of cross-border activity by Beja fighters.
******
Security in Abyei remains “fragile”
The
Abyei Joint Oversight Commission (AJOC) held its second meeting on
Wednesday this week in Abyei; and the Chairperson of the African
Union Commission, Dr. Jean Ping, has commended the spirit of
partnership and cooperation with which the governments of Sudan and
South Sudan addressed the “Temporary Arrangements for the
Administration and Security of the Abyei Area” agreement. Dr. Ping
said he was encouraged that the AJOC continued to engage in
pertinent issues including the redeployment of forces and the
establishment of the Abyei Administration and the Legislative
Council. He urged the two governments to resolve their outstanding
differences to facilitate the return of IDPs and the resumption of
seasonal migration through Abyei. The AU Chairperson said he
appreciated the continued role of the AU High Level Implementation
Panel in convening this meeting. He also noted the important role of
the United Nations Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA), commanded by
Lieutenant-General Tadesse Werede, in stabilising the situation in
the area. By the end of last week, UNISFA had deployed over 2,800
troops on the ground, and it is patrolling a number of towns in the
region as well as carrying out demining operations. Full deployment,
however, depends upon the creation of a functioning administration
and the withdrawal of the armed forces of both parties. The Sudan
Armed Forces continue to occupy parts of Abyei while the Sudan
People’s Liberation Army is said to have fully withdrawn from the
area, establishing a headquarters just south of Agok. The UN
Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, Herve Ladsous,
has described the security situation in Abyei as “fragile”. Mr.
Ladsous said the UNIFSA has been talking to leaders of the Misseriya
to try to persuade them to slow down their annual migration into
Abyei which has now started. Dr. Ping reiterated the commitment of
the AU to support the AJOC, and urged it to make certain it convened
again as agreed, on January 18th next year . The AJOC
was established by the Abyei Area Agreement, signed in June
in Addis Ababa. It has a mandate to exercise political and
administrative oversight of the Abyei Executive Council, on behalf
of the Presidents of Sudan and South Sudan, with particular focus on
security matters. Elsewhere along the border, Sudan and South Sudan
continue to trade accusations that they are supporting insurgents in
each other’s territory; however, last week’s fighting at Jau in
Unity State added another dimension as it directly involved their
own armed forces.
******
An
International Engagement Conference for South Sudan in Washington
A two day
International Engagement Conference for South Sudan was held in
Washington on Wednesday and Thursday this week, aimed to coordinate
greater international and private sector economic assistance to the
newly independent state. The conference was attended by U.S.
Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton, World Bank President Robert
Zoellick and President Salva Kiir of South Sudan, as well as
officials from the UK, Norway, Turkey, the European Union, the
African Union and other bodies. Hilary Clinton urged governments and
businesses to provide “intensive care” for South Sudan, and called
for its government to abide by the international norms of
“transparency and accountability” in managing its “oil sector
responsibly”. She said the U.S. Agency for International
Development, USAID, was working with South Sudan on reforms to
create a business climate that would attract investors to South
Sudan, adding that the US would be launching a new loan program for
South Sudan’s farmers. She also called for the early resolution of
the conflicts in Blue Nile and South Kordofan states. These have
caused the displacement of more than 415,000 people. More than
80,000 have fled into neighboring areas of South Sudan and another
36,000 into Ethiopia. Last week the US Government modified its
licensing policy to allow US investment in the South Sudanese oil
sector. President Salva Kiir told the meeting that investment in
banking, transportation, agriculture and information technology were
among South Sudan’s priorities, and his government was committed to
tackle corruption. He reiterated his government’s readiness to
ensure good governance and its commitment to proper financial
management.
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