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Famine still spreading in Somalia
At the beginning of the week the African Union announced that it was
organizing a donor conference to support Somalia. Originally timed for
Tuesday next week in Addis Ababa, it has now been postponed until August
25th. The original announcement was made by AU Deputy
Chairperson, Erastus Mwencha, on Sunday following a visit to Mogadishu in
which he met President Sheikh Sharif and other government members and
visited a camp for internally displaced persons near Mogadishu airport.
Earlier this week the United Nations declared three other areas of
southern Somalia had passed the threshold for famine – two districts of
Middle Shebelle region, the Afgoye corridor where hundreds of thousands of
people displaced by the fighting in Mogadishu now live, and the internally
displaced people who have moved into the government controlled areas of
Mogadishu itself. Southern Bakool and Lower Shebelle regions were declared
famine areas last month, and aid agencies have been warning that many
other areas across southern Somalia are reaching the same point.
International aid agencies are saying that governments and donors must
act with much greater urgency in the face of what Oxfam has called a
“deteriorating crisis and rising needs in East Africa”. Oxfam says the
international community is failing to keep pace with a crisis that is
spiralling out of control. The United Nations now estimates that the total
number of people affected could rise to over 15 million if action is not
taken urgently. According to new figures 564,000 are at risk of death
without urgent intervention. A US congressional committee was told on
Wednesday that more than 29,000 children under five had died in the last
three months in southern Somalia. Famine conditions are likely to spread.
With the current levels of malnutrition, the mortality rate, the limited
humanitarian response in parts of southern Somalia because of violence and
the combination of harsh dry seasons and the increases in food prices,
“food security is expected to deteriorate in the coming months.”
According to Oxfam, the next three to four months are set to worsen
elsewhere as well, in Ethiopia and Kenya, and the situation will remain
classified as an emergency until the end of the year. The UN uses a five
stage Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC). Level one is
generally food secure. Level two is moderately or borderline food
insecure. At level three the situation has reached an acute food and
livelihood crisis. Level four is classified as a humanitarian emergency,
with a severe lack of access to food, deaths due to hunger, malnutrition
and irreversible livestock losses. Level five is described as famine or
humanitarian catastrophe with a complete lack of access to food and mass
starvation, death and displacement.
The World Food program has begun an emergency airlift of specialized
nutritional food for children into Mogadishu to supplement the more normal
ship deliveries. The US government has eased the sanctions it imposed on
Al-Shabaab in 2008 and has promised not to prosecute aid agencies that
deal with Al-Shabaab. Previously, agencies risked prosecution if any US
supplies fell into the hands of Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab, however, has yet
shown no signs of allowing assistance from aid agencies that it has
previously banned to be distributed. However, some agencies, including
UNICEF, have been able to deliver aid to Baidoa. A Somali
telecommunications company has also delivered food aid to Baidoa, with Al-Shabaab
providing security. Given the scale of the crisis, which Al-Shabaab
spokesmen have denied, clan elders are putting pressure on Al-Shabaab to
change its policy and allow aid to be distributed irrespective of who is
supplying it.
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TFG and AMISOM forces pre-empt Al-Shabaab attacks
On Thursday last week, joint TFG and AMISOM forces launched an
offensive towards the Mogadishu Stadium area which is still a center
of Al-Shabaab operations. The aim was to pre-empt any Al-Shabaab
attempt to launch a Ramadan offensive from there, and to take
advantage of Al-Shabaab’s reduced strength in Mogadishu. The initial
advance made considerable progress along several of the roads
leading towards the Stadium, taking over the Sodonka road and the
Ali Kamin intersection, one of the points which control roads
leading to the Bakhara market as well as towards the Stadium. AMISOM
lost a tank at that point though it was from a fire caused by an
electrical fault, not from Al-Shabaab action. These advances gained
control of the Hamarbile area around Ali-Kamin but it has yet to be
fully secured. There were some AMISOM casualties after Al-Shabaab
fighters, wearing military uniforms, infiltrated the population.
AMISOM and TFG are considering whether to evacuate the whole area to
avoid civilian casualties before advancing further.
TFG and Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a forces have also launched some other
pre-emptive operations outside Mogadishu. In Gedo over the weekend,
TFG units advanced from El-wak thirty kilometers towards Busar, a
small town to the west of Bardere, now Al-Shabaab’s main center in
Gedo region. They are now digging in there, waiting to make a
coordinated advance towards Bardere town together with forces from
Garbaharey and Luq further north. Similar preparations for advance
have been going on in two other areas, in Bakool region and in the
Dhobley border area of Lower Juba region.
Elsewhere, it has been reported that Al-Shabaab
has "vacated their base" in Hees locality of Hiiraan Region after
local residents mobilized themselves against the extremist group.
Local militias organized themselves to attack Al-Shabaab after it
attempted to recruit students and other youths in the area. Al-Shabaab
has now moved its vehicles and dozens of fighters towards Belet
Weyne. It appears that after its recent defeats in Mogadishu, Al-Shabaab
has also been rotating its local fighters out of the city and
bringing foreign fighters into the city. The aim is apparently
intended to strengthen the weakening resolve of Al-Shabaab fighters
both in the regions and in the city.
Meanwhile there is still no agreement within the TFG as to where to
hold the upcoming High Level Consultative Meeting to be sponsored by
the UN. President Sheikh Sharif is under strong pressure from Hawiye
elders, MPs hailing from southern Somalia and other concerned groups
to hold the meeting in Mogadishu. This would have the advantage of
demonstrating the progress made by TFG and AMISOM forces, and as the
President has been telling regional leaders Mogadishu is still the
most neutral place for all Somalia. However, others including
Speaker Sharif Hassan and Prime Minister Abdiweli have supported
Puntland President Abdirahman Farole’s suggestion of Puntland’s
capital Garowe.
At the beginning of the week, the long anticipated Ahlu Sunna wal
Jama’a conference started in the central town of Abudwaq. This is in
accordance with the agreement reached in Addis Ababa between Ahlu
Sunna’s Spiritual leader in central Somalia, Sheikh Ma’alim Mohamud,
and the leader of Ahlu Sunna’s Abudwaq faction, Ibrahim Sheikh
Hassan Gurey, over the holding of the meeting. Well over three
hundred delegates have so far turned up and more are expected for
the ten days of discussions. A steering committee of twelve is
running the conference in anticipation of the election of a new
Shura and executive Presidium. However, it is far from clear whether
all Ahlu Sunna factions will be attending as there has been some
controversy over the conference, and there is concern that it may
even fuel the divisions within the movement. Ahlu Sunna groups from
the Ayr/Hawiye and the Dir apparently see the conference as a
Marehan meeting. Several groups have indicated they do not plan to
attend, including Ahlu Sunna groups in Mogadishu and other southern
regions which the Ahlu Sunna cluster of central Somalia see as being
over close to the TFG. After the conclusion of the Addis Ababa
meeting, Sheikh Ma’alim Mohamud went to Mogadishu for talks with
President Sheikh Sharif, following which TFG ministerial positions
went to his faction of Ahlu Sunna, suggesting that he now has TFG
support.
There is widespread agreement on the need for Ahlu Sunna to resolve
the differences between its factions and contain the differences
between the dissident voices within the Sufi groups. Indeed, this is
of critical importance if Ahlu Sunna is to continue to play the role
of creating stability and weakening Al-Shabaab further. Ahlu Sunna
wal Jama’a, of course, was the first Somali Sufi group to oppose Al-Shabaab,
causing it significant defeats in numerous different areas. Ahlu
Sunna, in fact, broke the illusion that Al-Shabaab was unbeatable
and that its fighters could survive anything; its victories have had
an important psychological impact among Somalis throughout southern
and central Somalia.
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Bilateral visits to Qatar and the Russian Federation
Last month, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ato
Hailemariam made a number of working visits abroad, to New York
where he addressed an informal interactive dialogue of the UN
Security Council on Eritrea, to Qatar and to the Russian Federation.
In Qatar, Ato Hailemariam attended the signing of a peace accord,
on July 14th in Doha, between the Government of Sudan and
the Liberation and Justice Movement of Darfur. The agreement which
provides for power-sharing, repatriation of displaced people and
allocates funding for development in Darfur, was brokered by the
Emir of Qatar, The signing was attended by the Presidents of Sudan,
Burkina Faso, Chad, Eritrea and the Prime Minister of the Central
African Republic, the Secretary General of the Arab League and
representatives of the UN, the AU, the Organization of Islamic
Conference and other bodies.
Ato Hailemariam, who delivered a message from Prime Minister Meles
to the Emir, also had discussions on bilateral issues. This is the
first high level meeting since Ethiopia, concerned by Qatar’s
relationship with Eritrea and other issues, broke off relations over
three years ago. The Emir emphasized that Qatar wanted to have good
relations with Ethiopia and was committed to achieving this.
Ethiopia, he said, could be a role model for Africa in many ways. He
added that Qatar was ready to invest in Ethiopia and to do business
with the country, even if they did not always agree on political
issues.
The Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister briefed the Emir on
the situation in Ethiopia and in the Horn of Africa. He reciprocated
the Emir’s interest in improving bilateral relations. He emphasized
that Ethiopia’s development efforts had resulted in double digit
growth for the last eight years, and said that Qatari businessmen
and investors would be most welcome in Ethiopia where they would
find great opportunities available. Ato Hailemariam detailed
Ethiopia’s efforts to solve the problem with Eritrea but he noted
that the issue had now become regional. He explained Eritrea’s
attempt to organize a terrorist attack on the last AU Summit in
January, which, fortunately had failed. He noted Eritrea’s support
for Al-Shabaab and for other armed opposition and terrorist groups
in the region. This was why IGAD had requested the UN Security
Council to tighten sanctions against the Eritrean government.
Because Eritrea threatened the whole region, he said, the threat had
to be addressed within a regional context.
The Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister also made a working
visit to Russia at the end of last month, visiting Moscow from 28th
to 29th July. Ato Hailemariam and his delegation met the
Russian Deputy Foreign Minister, Mr. Mikhail Bogdanov, the Head of
the Russian Railway Corporation, Mr. Alexander Sultanov and a number
of representatives from the private sector. Discussion with Mr.
Bogdanov focused on issues of bilateral and regional concern, with
particular reference to the current situation in the Horn of Africa,
and on Ethio-Russian bilateral cooperation in various areas. During
the meeting with the Head of the Russian Railway Corporation, an
understanding was reached for the corporation to become engaged in
the building up of railway infrastructure in Ethiopia. The Deputy
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister also met with representatives of
a number of companies which have shown interest in investing in
various sectors in Ethiopia, including leather and leather products,
shoe manufacturing and energy.
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Agreement on border monitoring between Sudan and South
Sudan
On Saturday last week, the Governments of Sudan and of South Sudan
reached agreement on the Border Monitoring Support Mission during
another round of their post independence talks. This was the first
formal bilateral agreement between the two states, and the African
Union High-level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) welcomed this as
auguring well for future peaceful cooperation.
The agreement reaffirms the commitment of the two governments to
the agreement signed at the end of June by the Government of Sudan
and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement concerning the
establishment of a Joint Political and Security Mechanism (JPSM) to
oversee security along their common border. The Mission will support
the control of small arms and light weapons across the borders;
conduct institutional training for border police and border security
mechanisms; receive, verify and resolve violations, disputes and
complaints; assist, facilitate and help protect demarcation teams;
and assist in building mutual trust, confidence and an environment
which encourages long-term stability and economic development, among
other functions.
In a subsequent statement the AUHIP said that providing security
along the border was a matter of particular importance and urgency.
AUHIP said it was confident that the mechanisms provided in the
agreement, including third party monitoring and verification, would
contribute to the construction of peaceful relations between the two
states. The first meeting of the JPSM is to be convened in Khartoum
on August 17th. The AUHIP added that it would continue to
support the parties in implementing the agreement and in their
efforts to complete negotiations on a range of other issues that
still remain undecided. These include citizenship, border
demarcation, currency and oil-revenue sharing.
Ethiopian troops which are providing the forces for the United
Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) began to deploy
last week and over 1,500 have now arrived in the region.
Unfortunately, there have already been some casualties, four
soldiers were killed in a landmine explosion on Tuesday this week
and several others wounded when on patrol to the south-east of Abyei
town. The UN Secretary-General, Ban ki-Moon, extended his
condolences to the families of those killed and to the Ethiopian
government. Both the Government of Sudan and the Government of South
Sudan have agreed to withdraw their forces from Abyei under the deal
which led to the setting up of UNISFA.
Meanwhile, the Government of South Sudan at the end of last week
debated and adopted its first foreign policy, according to a
government spokesperson. This transforms the former Ministry of
Regional Cooperation into a new Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
International Cooperation. In the preamble it noted that it was
resolute in establishing a democratic secular transparent system of
government, reflective of the rule of law and of human rights. The
document says policy will be guided by the principles and norms of
good neighbourly relations and peaceful coexistence, respect for
sovereignty and territorial integrity of other states and
preservation of national interest and security as well as
non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. It will
adhere to the charters of the UN, the AU and other regional and
international conventions and treaties. In the last few years South
Sudan opened 23 missions around the world. Some of these will now be
upgraded to embassies, and according to the government spokesman,
over sixty new embassies missions and consulates will be established
in the next few years. The spokesperson said last week that South
Sudan had already officially established full diplomatic relations
with Israel.
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Eritrea and regional destabilization
As we noted last week the Report of the UN Monitoring Group on
Somalia and Eritrea, made public last week, provides the real and
substantial evidence for the claims of IGAD member states that
Eritrea has been making persistent efforts to destabilize the
countries of the region. The Report is quite specific about
Eritrea’s multiple violations of Security
Council Resolution 1844 (2008) and 1907 (2009), and goes into great
detail of the activities of Eritrea throughout the region.
Not surprisingly, much of the comment on the report has centered on
the details of the way that: “In January 2011, the Eritrean
government conceived, planned, organized and directed a failed plot
to disrupt the AU Summit in Addis Ababa by bombing a variety of
civilian and governmental targets”. The Report devotes seven pages
to the interviews it carried out with the detained members of the
OLF involved in the operation and to the evidence of arms, telephone
intercepts and financial records. It concluded that the only member
of the OLF leadership that was aware of the operation was the
Chairman, Daud Ibsa, and that “this operation was effectively an
Eritrean intelligence activity falsely flagged as an OLF
initiative.”
The intent was to “make Addis Ababa like Baghdad” by setting off
car bombs, outside the AU headquarters, in the Merkato, the largest
open air market in Africa, and the Sheraton Hotel in which most
Heads of State stayed. Sniper rifles suggested that assassinations
were also part of the plan. Given the aims of the operation, it is
hardly surprising that Ethiopia’s Minister of State for Foreign
Affairs, Ambassador Berhane Gebrechristos, at a meeting with the
Sanctions Committee, expressed the view that no sane people would do
what the Eritrean leadership had done, making an specific attempt to
carry out terrorist activities, deliberately aiming to kill
civilians on a large scale to disrupt the African Union Summit.
Eritrean activities, however, as the Report makes very clear, were
not confined to that episode in January, nor indeed to Ethiopia.
Eritrea’s relations with its neighbors since independence in 1993
“have been turbulent”. Indeed, at various times Eritrea has gone to
war with Ethiopia and Yemen, and clashed with Djibouti and Sudan.
Further, as the Report emphasizes, the Monitoring Group has
“obtained firm evidence of Eritrean support for armed opposition
groups throughout the region, including Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia,
and the Sudan. Support for these groups also involves Eritrean
diplomats, intelligence and PFDJ-affiliated networks in Kenya,
Uganda, the United Arab Emirates and elsewhere.” The evidence
produced includes records of financial payments, interviews with
eyewitnesses and data of maritime and aviation movements of arms and
ammunition, including end user certificates, all indicating Eritrean
continued support to armed groups involved in violence,
destabilization or terrorism.
The report identified, and named, “a small but efficient group of
officers…under the direct supervision of the President’s office” as
responsible for the activities. They include Brigadier General
Te’ame Goitom, head of Eritrea’s External Intelligence Operations in
the Horn, Colonel Fitsum Yishak, his deputy and head of training for
regional opposition groups, and Colonel Tewelde Habte Negash,
reportedly an explosives expert. The report details the movements of
Colonel Tewelde between 2006 and 2010 in Somalia, Kenya (from where
he was twice deported), Uganda and South Sudan. Others involved
include Tesfalidet Teklai Selassie, chief of staff in President
Isaias’ Office, General Teklai Kifle ‘Manjus’, commander of border
forces and the western military zone, and Admiral Humed Karekere, an
Afar, and commander of the Navy who is specifically involved in
providing support to the Djibouti armed opposition forces. Based on
evidence from interviews with over a hundred former members of
various groups, including Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, the Ogaden
National Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Front
pour le Restauration de la Democratie (FRUD), the report gives
details of the training and support provided. Among the camps
mentioned are Kiloma, Een, Ghibdo and Anda’ali in the Assab area of
Eritrea.
The
report notes the formal ceasefire between Eritrea and Djibouti
announced on June 9th 2010, under the auspices of Qatar,
but adds that Eritrea “has continued to provide support for a
splinter group of the Front pour le Restauration de la Democratie (FRUD),
known as FRUD-Combattant, headed by Mohamed Kadd’ami.” It notes that
the group is active in the Mabla mountains between Obock and
Tadjourah. FRUD-C rejected the agreements between FRUD and the
Djibouti government in 1994 and in 2000, but until 2008 it confined
itself to anti-government statements. However, in 2008, following
the clashes between Eritrean and Djibouti troops near Ras Doumeira,
Eritrea began to provide assistance to FRUD-C. Its fighters were
given use of an Eritrean military facility at Ghibdo and later at
Anda’ali where they were given food, medicine and medical support.
The Djibouti government has also recorded statements by a former
FRUD-C commander describing arms, ammunition and equipment provided
to FRUD-C by Eritrea. It seized 50 kilos of TNT explosives from a
cave near the Eritrean border in February this year. The Report
notes that the Qatari peace-keeping force on the border only
supervises a short 50 km sector of the border near Ras Doumeira and
it cannot observe any cross-border activity further south. The
Report accepts that Eritrea’s support for FRUD-C has been
small-scale and ineffective but suggests this still indicates “a
lack of Eritrean commitment to the peace process, undermine(s) the
prospect for successful resolution of the border dispute, and
jeopardize(s) the normalization of relations between Djibouti and
Eritrea.”
With reference to the South Sudan, the Report notes there have been
signs of strained relations between Eritrea and the SPLM since 2009
with President Isaias openly alleging corruption within the SPLM
leadership. SPLM officials believe this arises from Eritrean concern
over South Sudan-Ethiopian cooperation, and the SPLM has been
concerned that Eritrea may have been supporting dissident militias
in South Sudan, and backing General George Athor Deng and General
Peter Gadet. SPLM officials say General Athor visited Asmara at
least three times in 2010 and 2011 and claim that Eritrean supplies
have been captured from Athor and Gadet. The Report notes that this
has been denied by an Eritrean official, and it was unable to
confirm it from captured weaponry. However it did note that the make
and serial numbers of some of the weapons it saw were identical to
those supplied by Eritrea to the ONLF and captured in Somaliland in
September last year.
We will look more closely at the Monitoring Group’s evidence of
Eritrean support for extremist and terrorist groups in Ethiopia and
Somalia next week.
Meanwhile, the Security Council which is now considering the report
demonstrated its support for the Monitoring Group last Friday by
extending its mandate for a further year. In addition to monitoring
compliance with the embargoes on delivery of arms and military
equipment to Somalia and Eritrea, the Monitoring Group has now been
asked to investigate any seaport operations which could generate
revenue for Al-Shabaab. It is also asked to investigate all
activities, including financial and maritime operations, which might
generate revenue that could then be used to break the embargoes on
Eritrea and Somalia. It is also required to examine any means of
transport in connection with violations, and compile a draft list of
individuals and entities engaging in activities inside and outside
Eritrea relating to the embargoes which could warrant further
Security Council measures.
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Ambassadorial training in Economic Diplomacy
A training course for Ethiopian ambassadors and heads of mission for
Business, Trade and Economic Diplomacy began Monday, August 1st,
at the Addis Ababa Hilton. The training was organized by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs in collaboration with UNDP and the
United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR). More
than forty ambassadors and heads of Ethiopia’s missions abroad are
attending the course which was opened by the Deputy Prime Minister
and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ato Hailemariam Desalegn.
The minister welcomed the ambassadors and expressed his hope and
expectation that the training would equip them with an additional
arsenal for the discharging of their responsibilities in a
professional and effective manner. Ato Hailemariam emphasized that
the new global order in this complex and dynamic world obliged
nations to engage in trade, investment and business. This
necessitated the pursuit of economic diplomacy. He noted that the
training would help ambassadors enhance their leadership skills in
the area of economic diplomacy and allow them to better engage and
apply themselves in the emerging competitive global economic order.
He underlined that that this could help Ethiopia speed up its
national development. Ato Hailemariam said economic diplomacy was,
first and foremost, about technology transfer. Besides attracting
foreign direct investment, economic diplomacy involved export
promotion and two way trade, expanding the potential of tourism,
securing finance for development and building the country’s image.
These were key focus areas for Ethiopian diplomats. In the coming
year particular efforts would be exerted to increase the country’s
earnings from exports through adapting experiences gained from other
countries. The minister urged the diplomats to be more interactive
and to develop their skills in economic negotiation and
communication basing themselves on Ethiopia’s diplomatic position in
Africa and the world. The training would, he said, enable them to
assess the real situation in Ethiopia and improve their capacity to
undertake successful diplomatic activity.
UN Resident Coordinator, UNDP Resident Representative and UN
Humanitarian Coordinator, Eugene Owusu, pointed out that Ethiopia
had demonstrated its ability to nurture its own vision and
aspirations for growth and development. Mr. Owusu said that: “In
today’s complex global context, economic diplomacy must be the
tactical and strategic tool, to ensure that the country succeeds in
deriving maximum economic benefits from emerging global and regional
development opportunities, and especially during the anticipated
rebound in the global economy”. As Ethiopia is the diplomatic hub of
Africa, he added, its success would have “a major effect on the
continent as a whole.” Hence, ambassadors would have a major role to
play in this transformation, particularly in the complex globalized
world in which we live today. Economic diplomacy was a major vector
for economic security, and “it is my cherished hope that the
training will further equip ambassadors with the strategic skills
they require to be successful”, he added.
The topics of the training which will last for several weeks will
include Rethinking International Development and Convergence
Economy, Economic and Trade Diplomacy, Communication Skills, Tourism
and Diplomacy and Positivity Skills. There will also be a roundtable
discussion with representatives of the private sector. The training
is being given by researchers and professionals with detailed
theoretical and practical experience in their various areas of
expertise.
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