|
|
Alsharq Al Awsat gets things wrong on Somalia
The international
London based, Alsharq Al Awsat newspaper, released a report
(1.8.2010 edition) on an alleged 'Secret memo' which it claimed had
been signed by President Sheikh Sharif of the TFG in Cairo. The memo
was supposed to have been written by a group of Somali religious
scholars at the request of the TFG, and suggested that the TFG
should negotiate with Al-Shabaab and other terrorist groups without
informing any western countries. The alleged memo claimed that
although the western countries offer material aid and moral support
to Somalia, their involvement in Somalia affairs made the process of
reconciliation with the opposition more difficult. The memo claimed
that "most opposition forces do not trust” western nations and this
is why they were not prepared to stop fighting the TFG or prepared
to join it. It suggests that bringing the opposition closer is more
important than the support given by the western countries. The memo
therefore suggests the TFG should ally with the Arab League and with
Islamic States notably Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the Sudan, and
consult with them before taking any new political initiative. It
goes on to raise issues related to Somaliland and Puntland and the
question of unity of Somalia, and calls on the TFG to refrain from
diplomatic relations with countries that have any security and
political relations with those two administrations. It also calls
for the revival of the concept of “Greater Somalia”, and in
reference to the agreement between Ahlu Suna wal Jama’a and the TFG,
it even alleges that Ahlu Suna opposes efforts of the TFG to
negotiate with any other opposition groups.
Not
surprisingly, the TFG has quickly identified this piece of cheap
propaganda as a fictitious document. Indeed, this bogus "Strategy
Memo" is similar to other forged documents issued in the past. It is
not even worth comment except to underline that it is an entirely
fabricated document; and as a statement from the TFG underlined,
neither the TFG nor the Somali President had anything to do with it
at all.
The fabrication
of such a document, of course, raises a question as to why it has
been drawn up and released at this time. One reason, presumably, is
that it was intended to create a rift within the TFG leadership
established after the agreement between Ahlu Suna wal Jama’a and the
TFG on 15th March. Another has been to try to create
suspicion between the TFG and its partners on the ground fighting
against the scourge of terrorism. Thirdly, it appears intended to
create misunderstandings between the region and those in the Gulf
countries who have been trying to assist the TFG and the people of
Somalia to make progress against terrorism.
It’s clear from
the outset that these aims will not succeed. Such cheap propaganda
isn’t going to deter IGAD, the AU or the international community
from doing whatever is necessary to ensure success in Somalia. This
has been underlined in the last few days indeed as the TFG and Ahlu
Suna wal Jama’a have been involved in a round of discussions in
Addis Ababa, following an earlier meeting in Mogadishu in April. The
meeting was to evaluate the progress made in implementation of their
historic agreement on 15th March. The discussions, 13th
-18th August, agreed on the consolidation of
administrative units in areas controlled by them, and on further
efforts to defeat Al-Shabaab on the ground, including the
mobilization of their human and material resources for joint
operations in various parts of the country. The meeting was also
attended by the new UN SRSG, Ambassador Mahiga, the IGAD Facilitator
for Somalia Peace and Reconciliation and representatives from the AU
Commission. The TFG delegation, composed of seven ministers was led
by Defense Minister, Dr. Abubakr Osman, while Ahlu Suna’s
nine-member delegation was led by Sheikh Mohamed Hefow, Chairperson
of Ahlu Suna’s Executive Committee.
******************
top |
|
The UN’s new SRSG for Somalia visits Ethiopia
On Tuesday this
week, Ambassador Augustine Mahiga, the new Special Representative
for the UN Secretary General in Somalia (SRSG) held talks on Somalia
with Ethiopia’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Tekeda
Alemu in Addis Ababa. The SRSG made it clear that while the Somali
situation remained difficult, he was hopeful that progress could be
achieved on the ground with IGAD playing a critical role. He thought
there had been an encouraging response from the international
community over moves to increase peacekeeping troop levels. He said
he was impressed by the progress made in implementation of the
agreement between the TFG and Ahlu Suna wal Jama’a. This emphasized
the efforts of the TFG to address the challenges it faced on the
ground and in accomplishing the remaining tasks for the transition
period. The SRSG noted the negative impact of the uncomfortable
level of bickering in the TFG, but stressed the need for the
international community to assist the TFG’s efforts.
Dr. Tekeda
emphasized that while the SRSG had been appointed at a particularly
challenging time, with serious problems on the ground, we were now
also seeing greater coordination and cooperation among the
international community. This included the recent meeting on the
sidelines of the Kampala Summit; the current preparations for a
joint international demarche; growing coordination between Burundi,
Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda; the meeting of the IGAD Chiefs of
Defense Staffs who have begun to act on the decisions of the IGAD
Heads of State and Government; and the overall methodical follow-up
to these activities. The contrast with the previous lack of
coordination was marked. Earlier, there had been more coordination
among those bent on creating havoc in the region than those
supporting peace and security. Now difficulties on the ground were
beginning to be offset by greater coordination. This was encouraging
and should help the work of the SRSG.
The momentum of
the onslaught by Al-Shabaab in Mogadishu appeared to have been
halted, though it seemed to be trying to expand its efforts to
challenge the relative peace and stability of Puntland and
Somaliland which had just conducted a well-organized election. The
tempo of its attacks was increasing. Puntland was currently involved
in a fight against Al-Shabaab forces. Dr. Tekeda noted that there
was a lack of effective support for the efforts being made in the
area of security by the administrations in Somaliland and Puntland.
Ambassador Mahiga agreed that international coordination and support
efforts should also include these areas. With greater international
resolve and effort there was a real possibility of containing, and
reversing, the activities of Al-Shabaab.
It was clear
that the TFG must avoid the disagreements it has been prone to in
the past. It must prove it is worthy to get support. Equally the
international community must continue to assist the TFG as it
remains the only rallying point for international support and
legitimacy. At the same time the delivery of assistance to the TFG
had certainly left much to be desired. Dr. Tekeda and Ambassador
Mahiga agreed that there was a need to create mechanisms for
co-ordination and encourage all those supporting AMISOM to extend
their support to the TFG as well, a need for UNPOS to be present on
the ground and a need to engage with Puntland and Somaliland as they
were key players. They could provide a back-up in the efforts to
assist the peoples of Somalia. Ambassador Mahiga noted that UNPOS
was ready to go back into Somalia as soon as possible as part of
Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon’s “light footprint” for the UN in
Somalia.
The importance
of the suggestion to hold a high-level political retreat to consider
the remaining tasks for the transitional period was emphasized; and
it was noted that the International Contact Group would be holding
their next meeting in Madrid on August 27-28th. There are
plans for the UN Secretary-General to hold a meeting on Somalia in
New Work with major stakeholders on September 24th.
*****************
top |
|
African Independence and the Role of OAU: Prime Minister Meles in
Congo and Gabon
Seventeen
countries in Africa (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central Africa
Republic, Chad, Congo Republic,
Cote
ďIvoire, DRC,
Gabon,
Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, and
Togo) won independence 50 years ago. The continental Organization of
African Unity (OAU), which played a critical role in the
independence struggle, will celebrate its own Golden Jubilee on 25
May 2013. This is indeed a very appropriate moment for African
states and for the present continental organization to take a moment
to scrutinize and evaluate the successes achieved and the drawbacks
still faced by Africa in fully realizing the aspirations of the
founding fathers of the OAU.
When it was
established in 1963, by 33 independent States, the primary objective
of the OAU was to achieve the complete independence of the remaining
States which were under the yoke of colonialism and apartheid. While
these noble objectives have been achieved, the related vision of a
peaceful and prosperous Africa is yet to be realized. As Kwame
Nkrumah said nearly fifty years ago: “Never before have a people had
within their grasp so great an opportunity for developing a
continent endowed with so much wealth. Together, by mutual help [the
independent states of Africa] can achieve much…. But the economic
development of the continent must be planned and pursued as a
whole…Africans have, indeed, begun to think continentally. They
realize that they have much in common, both in their past history,
in their present problems and in their future hopes….The greatest
contribution that Africa can make to the peace of the world is to
avoid all the dangers inherent in disunity, by creating a political
union which will also by its success, stand as an example to a
divided world.” His words still have resonance in a continent that
even today is significantly affected by civil wars that continue to
seriously undermine the economic development and the ultimate
integration of the continent. African countries, while celebrating
50 years of independence, now have an opportunity to evaluate both
the failures and the successes of the past half century. It will
allow us to chart a more effective approach to address the critical
challenges we continue to face in poverty and underdevelopment.
The process of
liberation which started in the 1950s remains unfinished. Indeed,
Africa's
independence cannot be fully realized in the absence of the
eradication of poverty and conflict. Africa's complete independence
ultimately depends on its economic independence. It is indeed within
Africa's power to bring about development and eradicate poverty. As
Nkrumah said "...we have in Africa the paradox of poverty in the
midst of plenty, and scarcity in the midst of abundance." As we are
approaching the celebration of the Golden Jubilee of the OAU,
African countries have a unique opportunity, and a very real need,
to prepare themselves for commitment to more sustained and vigorous
activities to end the conflicts and the poverty that still ravage
our continent.
This week, of
course, has seen the celebration of the 50th anniversary
of the National Independence Day of both the Republic of Congo and
of the Republic of Gabon. At the invitations respectively of
President Sassou Neguesso of Congo and of President Ali Bongo of
Gabon, Prime Minister Meles headed a high level delegation which
included Foreign Minister Seyoum as well as other officials on an
official visit to both Brazzaville and Libreville from August 14th
to 17th. During his stay in Congo and Gabon, Prime
Minister Meles was received by the Presidents of both countries.
Their talks were held in a cordial atmosphere of the understanding,
and friendship which characterizes the deep rooted relations
existing between our countries. The leaders exchanged information on
the evolution of the economic, political and social situation in
their respective countries and regions. They agreed on the
importance of continuing close consultation at various levels in
order to enhance bilateral cooperation and harmonize policies on
regional and international matters of mutual concern with a view to
reducing marginalization from current global and local realities and
encouraging the promotion of mutual benefits. The need for African
countries to redouble cooperation was underlined during the
discussions. In this respect, all three emphasized their
responsibility to strengthen the African Union to enable it to
fulfill the original aspirations of the OAU and now of the African
Union.
Ethiopia, of
course, shares a common interest with Gabon and with the Republic of
Congo in making sure that the traditions, objectives and principles
of Pan-Africanism continue and are sustained. It greatly appreciates
the efforts of Gabon and Congo in this direction. Ethiopia believes
that advancing these principles helps Africa speak with single voice
in multilateral forums and strengthens its ability to advance
Africa’s interests successfully. All members of the AU have a common
obligation to ensure the AU continues to discharge its duties in
accordance with the Constitutive Act and its principles. Ethiopia,
like Gabon and Congo, believes in the responsibilities and duties
necessary to guarantee that the African Union will fulfill the
aspirations of the people of Africa. And, like them, it also agrees
that the African Union should continue to play a central role in
bringing peace and stability to the continent.
President
Neguesso and Prime Minister Meles also underlined the importance of
climate change as one of great challenges of our time. They
emphasized the strong political will necessary to urgently fight
climate change in accordance with the principles of common but
differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. The two
leaders recognized the crucial role of reducing deforestation and
forest degradation, and the need to enhance the removal of
greenhouse gases by increasing forest cover. They agreed on the
importance of providing positive incentives for such action through
the mobilization of financial resources from developed countries.
On the sidelines
of these two visits, Foreign Minister Seyoum held discussions on
bilateral matters with his Congolese and Gabonese counterparts.
While the Ministers expressed their satisfaction at the excellent
relations prevailing at the political level, they underlined the
importance of accelerating economic contacts and activities. The
Foreign Ministers further underscored the mutual benefit that their
countries can draw from deepening of bilateral ties. The Foreign
Ministers of Ethiopia and Congo signed an agreement on General
Cooperation and Bilateral Consultation between their respective
ministries. The Foreign Ministers of
Ethiopia
and Gabon also signed a similar agreement on General Cooperation and
Bilateral Consultation, and an agreement to abolish visas for the
holders of diplomatic and service passports.
*****************
top |
|
Sudan: a
country at the crossroads
The Comprehensive
Peace Agreement that ended the two decade war between the North and
South was signed in January 2005 by the National Congress Party and
by the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Movement. Since then both parties
have worked steadily to implement the agreement, though not without
some hiccups. Since the signing at Machakos in Kenya in 2005, the
CPA has been instrumental in creating a framework to resolve the
long standing conflict in the Sudan between North and South, leading
up to the referendum on the future of the South, due to take place
in January next year. During these five years of the interim period,
many of the provisions laid down in the CPA have been implemented,
including clauses covering power and wealth sharing. Others, among
them clauses on security and the Abyei border issue, while they may
have made significant and encouraging progress, are still in the
process of implementation.
The Government of
National Unity, established in accordance with the agreement, has
held the first democratic elections in
Sudan
for over 20 years. This, in turn, is creating the framework to
provide for the final details for full implementation of the CPA as
well as the preparations for the conduct of the referendum. The
schedule for the referendum, however, remains tight; the referendum
commission is becoming pressed for time as it is only five more
months before the conclusion of the CPA’s interim period.
These next five
months will be critical in this respect. Although most of the
provisions in the CPA have been implemented, the remaining issues
such as the South –North border demarcation, the establishment of
Abyei Referendum Commission and the question of citizenship are
still under negotiation. The international community certainly
expects the parties will come up with amicable solutions. Equally,
these issues still need careful and well-thought out handling. Even
if few in number, they are critical issues in moving the CPA process
forward. Negotiating a settlement to these continuing differences,
which now include the timing of registration for the referendum, and
all other pending issues, is becoming critical. The two parties need
to demonstrate a greater resolve and commitment for the full and
complete implementation of all aspects of the CPA.
One critical
issue that the CPA did not include was any Post Referendum
Arrangement (PRA). However, both parties have recognized this
omission, and they quickly resorted to dialogue with a view to
sorting out issues that needed to be addressed before the referendum
took place. What has been achieved so far is indeed commendable, but
there is still more to be agreed. Both parties have registered a
considerable amount of success following their consultations. At the
same time, whatever the outcome of the referendum, it should be seen
as an opportunity to create a lasting partnership between the NCP
and SPLM, to ensure sustainable peace, stability and security for
all the peoples of the Sudan.
Equally, for
obvious reasons the peace and stability of the
Sudan
have their own implications for the benefit of the sub-region as a
whole. The Sudan is a country bordering nine other countries in
Africa. Any problems in the Sudan can certainly have a trickledown
effect throughout the region as a whole and to individual countries
that share a common border with the Sudan. The maintenance of peace
and security in the Sudan is therefore of great concern not only to
the parties involved in the CPA, but also to all the countries in
the region as well as to the African Union and even the
international community at large.
The CPA has
provisions that accommodate the concerns of both parties. It remains
of critical concern that the parties move to implement the reality
of the CPA, both in theory and in application. The parties have
shown time and again that they are capable of delivering their
commitment to realize peace in the Sudan. They still have more to
do. The international community must now encourage the parties, and
those who have been given the mandate to assist the two parties, to
ensure the full implementation of the CPA.
*****************
top |
|
Core Principles of Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy: Ethio-Egypt Relations
As we indicated
last week, Ethiopia’s national interests have been completely
redefined and re-evaluated since 1991, providing a new focus on the
country’s internal vulnerabilities and problems, political and
economic. The Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy
identifies the major threats to Ethiopia and indeed to its survival:
economic backwardness and the desperate poverty affecting a large
majority of the population. The strategy also emphasizes the need
for democracy and good governance and for the establishment of a
democratic structure and government at all levels throughout the
country. It underscores that without these Ethiopia would be unable
to survive as a country and its very existence would be in doubt.
Considerable progress has been made in the last six years, but more
remains to be done. With regard to bilateral relations, the policy
clearly stipulates that Ethiopia will pursue engagement with all
other countries on the basis of the principle of mutual interest and
respect. Relations with all neighbors over the last two decades have
been a testament to the seriousness with which the country has
adhered to these principles. Ethiopia believes that whatever
differences countries may have, issues of common concern can only be
addressed on the basis of constructive engagement, of dialogue and
in a manner that allows for a win-win outcome for all.
Ethiopia’s
relationship with Egypt is one of the many bilateral relations that
the government of
Ethiopia
has been working hard to develop along these principles.
Ethiopia
and Egypt, of course, have a long relationship, dating back several
thousand years. Apart from the cultural and historical ties that
have bound them together for centuries, both countries have been
closely involved in the cause of African unity over the last five
decades. Central to any relationship however has been the River Nile
which has been the strong bond tying the two countries and their
peoples together for millennia. The Nile can and indeed should be a
source of cooperation and mutually beneficial relations between
Ethiopia and Egypt in a whole number of ways. This has not, however,
always been the case. Indeed, the issue of the use of the Nile water
has often been a major sticking point in the relationship, a major
stumbling block to any sort of robust bilateral link that might have
enhanced the interests of both countries.
Robust ties are,
of course, exactly what both countries need to deal with another
major interest of concern to both – the issue of security and a
response to extremism and terrorism, something which has equally
affected both. Surprisingly, perhaps, it is also something that
neither
Ethiopia
nor Egypt have properly explored. Yet security, internally, as well
as regionally in both the Horn of Africa and North Africa, is vital
to both states. Ethiopia and Egypt have some of the largest
populations in Africa; both have been affected by substantial
terrorist atrocities. Producing an adequate response to terrorism is
not just in their own interests. Both states have responsibilities
to their regions and to Africa and the Africa Union in this regard.
Equally, both have a heavy responsibility to avoid exacerbating,
even inadvertently, the dangers posed by terrorist activity. But
this has yet to be achieved.
There are a
number of causes why such co-operation has not been developed, and
the major reasons revolve around the issue of the Nile. Indeed, all
Egypt’s relations with Ethiopia over the last century or so have
largely revolved around this more than anything else. Successive
Egyptian governments have sought to ensure their continued control
of the Nile water, and because of this it has not been possible to
establish a regime for the river based on mutual agreement.
Certainly, upper riparian countries, including Ethiopia, for a long
time suffered from a lack of sufficient resources to develop their
legitimate claims to usage of the Nile water. The policies pursued
by Egypt on this didn’t help the confidence of the upper riparian
countries towards this issue. There is a strong conviction in
Ethiopia, which has been well-founded, that efforts have been made
to prevent Ethiopia from accessing support for the purpose of
obtaining the necessary financial support for hydro-electric
projects, even where these projects would pose no harm whatsoever to
Egypt.
Ethiopia attaches
great importance to its relations with Egypt, over the Nile as in
the area of security. It accepts that Egypt has legitimate interests
in the use of the Nile River. Equally, it sincerely believes that
the only way any controversy over the use of such a common resource
can be settled is through dialogue and the principle of equitable
utilization of the water, without causing significant harm to
others. This is why Ethiopia has so strongly supported the Nile
Basin Initiative and now the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework
Agreement, negotiated among the Nile riparian countries over the
last ten years. The upper riparian countries have time and again
reassured the lower riparian countries, Egypt and Sudan, that they
have not any interest in harming them or indeed any other country.
Ethiopia strongly believes the Cooperative Framework Agreement is a
formula for a win-win outcome for all.
Unfortunately,
despite changing political and economic dynamics in the region,
there are still those who want to set the clock back. It seems that
concepts such as cooperation, dialogue and equitable utilization are
anathema to such people. It appears some still believe in
saber-rattling and diplomatic maneuverings to promote their own
interests at the expense of all others. As Prime Minister Meles
recently emphasized, however, the realities that held Ethiopia back
in the past from utilizing the Nile water have changed and changed
forever. Ethiopia is not only stable; it is no longer completely
dependent upon third parties to make some use of its resources,
including the Nile. Everybody will now be better served by
constructive discussions and dialogue so that all potential in the
relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt can be put to good use.
In fact, today
the challenge that Ethiopia faces in its bilateral relations with
Egypt is no longer as problematic as it has been. There are signs
that attitudes are changing. There appears to be a growing
realization that neither threats nor covert efforts against this or
that riparian country can be successful. For example, bilateral
economic relations between Ethiopia and Egypt are growing steadily,
and can be expected to increase sharply in the future. Dialogue
between the two governments is becoming more regular and more
frequent. Both continue to face enormous challenges over the need to
deal with extremism and terrorism. There can be no doubt of the
value that a common approach would have. There are real
possibilities for both parties to develop a sense of mutual trust
that would further enhance understanding and cooperation. It is of
course only such approaches that can bring the required and desired
results and contribute to the enhancement of mutually beneficial
relations between the two countries.
*****************
top
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
