|
A Week in
the Horn |
|
The current global financial and economic crisis was well covered in the declaration and only few amendments were made. Food, energy and environmental/climate change have also been given equal emphasis. The vulnerability of Africa to various global challenges was noted and the measures needed to be taken were stressed. NEPAD was called upon to play a key role in addressing the challenges of the continent and it was emphasized that the necessary support should be provided for the Partnership to effectively discharge its responsibilities. The meeting also welcomed the Addis Ababa Declaration on the International Financial Crisis adopted at the 12th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union Heads of State and Government on the 3rd of February 2009 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The Ministerial Meeting was opened by Raul Castro Ruz, President of the Council of State of the Republic of Cuba who spoke on current major global issues including the financial and economic crisis being faced by all Non-Aligned member states. He emphasized in particular that neo-liberalism had failed as an economic policy, and said any objective analysis today raised serious questions about the “goodness” of the market and its deregulation, alleged benefits of privatization and the reduction of the economic and redistribution capacity of the state, as well as the credibility of financial institutions. Speakers included Father Miguel d'Escoto Brockman, President of the 63rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly and many of the heads of delegation at the meeting. Over a hundred of the 118 member countries have attended this week. In his address, Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin emphasized that the Non-Aligned Movement today, was more, not less, relevant in a constantly changing World. He noted that the need for concrete steps to make the existing system of globalization more equitable meant the Movement had the responsibility to contribute even more than in the past. (A full version of Minister Seyoum’s Speech is on the Ministry website: www.mfa.gov.et) ***************
Not surprisingly, the letter of the Djibouti Government also takes the opportunity to caution against further appeasement of the Eritrean regime. There have been some in the Security Council who, despite knowing full well that Eritrea has consistently rejected all peaceful overtures, still appear to entertain the illusion that more time and effort might allow for a turn around in Eritrean policy. There is no evidence this is either possible or probable, and on past record, it is highly improbable. Djibouti also cautions against confusing Eritrea’s attack on Djibouti with the problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea which some have tried to do. There have been some, even in the Security Council, who have not been able to resist trying to draw parallels between the two situations. This can only be seen as an attempt to justify the otherwise inexplicable behaviour of Eritrea. In fact, Eritrean policy of aggression against its neighbours long predates its attack on Ethiopia in 1998, and indeed has been a constant thread of Eritrean foreign policy since independence. The Ethiopia Eritrea border issue has nothing whatever to do with Eritrean aggression against Djibouti and nothing can link the two except the fact of Eritrean aggression. Certainly, the situation between Djibouti and Eritrea does provide for a strong sense of deja vue. It was only a short time ago that Ethiopia was making exactly the same points about Eritrea’s intransigence and warning the Security Council of the dangers of treating Eritrea with “kid gloves”. The background to Security Council Resolution 1640 (2005) is particularly relevant in this context. Eritrea had imposed severe restrictions on UNMEE making it difficult, almost imposible, for the UN Mission to carry out its proper job of patrolling the Temporary Security Zone between the two armies. The UN Security Council scolded Eritrea for its actions. Eritrea took no notice, dismissing the complaints as irrelevant. Eritrea promptly went a stage further, expelling nationals of western states and Russia who were working in UNMEE. All the Security Council managed was yet another dressing down. Again, Eritrea took no notice. Eventually, the Security Council did adopt Resolution 1640 (2005), a resolution threatening sanctions if Eritrea refused to return into full compliance with the Algiers Agreements and previous Security Council resolutions. It was too late. By then, Eritrea had developed the belief that it was immune from sanctions, and again took no notice. It seems to have had reason. The Security Council again took no notice of Eritrea’s continued intransigence. This set the stage for Eritrea’s subsequent actions imposing fuel restrictions on UNMEE and its personnel, and in early 2008 forcing the United Nations Mission to leave Eritrea and the Temporary Security Zone. Eritrea in fact had been allowed to “get away with murder”, and what amounts to the dismantling of the Algiers Agreements and the entire peace process between Ethiopia and Eritrea signed in December 2000. It’s no wonder Eritrea still feels it can push ahead with its continued efforts at regional destabilization unabated. It seems to be able to do so with impunity. In both these cases, unrelated as they are except through the involvement of Eritrea, the United Nations Security Council has made correct legal determinations criticizing Eritrea. Nevertheless Eritrea has so far escaped the punishment it fully deserves. It isn’t being treated lightly because of its military strength or its economic power, or because of the strengths or the rightness of its positions. Nor can the lack of Security Council action be justified by indifference to the plight of the peoples of this region or by the feeling that there is nothing left with which to punish the Eritrean regime in the light of its behaviour as a pariah state and its internal policies, which have led to it being classified as a police state, and even “a disgrace to the continent”, though some might also argue that the Eritrean people are already suffering so greatly from the misguided policies of the regime that sanctions would only worsen this situation. Unfortunately, however, it seems these, and other considerations, have prevented the Council from taking any decisive action against Eritrea, thus encouraging it to continue destabilizing the region. The death and injury sustained by Djiboutian soldiers, and the suffering of thousands of civilians, could easily have been avoided if the Security Council had discharged its responsibility according to the Charter of the United Nations earlier. There is no doubt that the Eritrean regime has not only attacked the peace and development of peoples of neighbouring states on several occasions; it has also held the Eritrean people, as a whole, hostage to a style of government beyond the pale. Djibouti, only the latest of Eritrea’s victims, has also raised the issue of grave violations of international humanitarian law by Eritrea. This again can be no surprise to Ethiopia either. Eritrea was found liable for violation of the Geneva Conventions due to its treatment of prisoners of war and civilians during its conflict with Ethiopia. It appears to be in character for the regime in Asmara to attack, maim and kill POWs and defenseless civilians. There is no doubt that the Eritrean regime should be held accountable for these and other transgressions. It should be told in no uncertain terms that it should respect the cardinal principles governing relations between states of peaceful co-existence and good neighbourliness. Djibouti, as Ethiopia before, has seen the effect of the failure of the United Nations Security Council to act in accordance with its own resolutions. The Security Council owes it to the people of the Horn of Africa and to regional peace and security, to act against Eritrea now before matters can deteriorate further. ***************
During her visit to Ethiopia, Commissioner Soyata Maiga, a lawyer from Mali by profession, met and held discussions with relevant stakeholders including the President of Ethiopia, the Speaker of the House of Peoples’ Representatives, the Minister of Women’s Affairs, the State Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, women parliamentarians and other Government officials and representatives of other institutions who shared information on the rights of women in the country. She met with members of Civil Society Organizations including various women’s human rights organizations such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, the Network of Ethiopian Women's Associations and the Organization Against Gender-Based Violence, as well as religious institutions, and law enforcement agencies among them the Addis Ababa Police and Federal Police, the Vice President of the Supreme Court of Ethiopia, and members of the Oromia Justice Bureau. The Commissioner held discussions with State Minister of the Ministry of Health and visited the Fistula Hospital in Addis Ababa. She had an opportunity to hold discussions with the Addis Ababa University Law Faculty Dean and students of the University Law Faculty, and with the Country Representative of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The Commissioner attended the closing ceremony of the National Conference on Ethiopia’s Reporting Obligations under International and Regional Human Rights Instruments. At the end of her visit, the Special Rapporteur had a concluding session with the Minster of Women’s Affairs, Ms. Muferihat Kamil, about the outcome of her visit. She highlighted the commitment and priority of the Government to realize the rights of women in every respect. She appreciated the measures the Government was taking to implement its obligations under international and regional human rights instruments such as the CEDAW and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. In a subsequent press conference for private and public media, the Commissioner stated that she has had a fruitful visit to Ethiopia. She had been impressed with the reception she had from the various stakeholders and noted that the FDRE Constitution guarantees individual as well as collective rights including the rights for Women. The Commissioner said that although there were many good practices in the country, challenges also remained because of traditional practices, and because of the poverty that could always affect the implementation of even the best-drafted laws and policies. **************
*************
So far, Ethiopia and China have established three city-to-city twinning agreements, but a lot could be done to increase this. During the seminar, both sides underscored the need to work together to promote relations between respective local governments. The Ministry of Works and Urban Development of Ethiopia put forward the idea of twinning twenty five Ethiopian cities with their Chinese counterparts to expand areas of knowledge and skill transfer and investment as well as cultural and people-to-people exchanges over the next three years. The suggestion was warmly welcomed by the Chinese delegation, and both sides agreed to work towards realizing this by exchanging information through diplomatic channels. **************
In the discussions with the Prime Minister, both he and Mr. Ammon expressed their satisfaction with the way the Ethio-German development cooperation has been progressing. In accordance with the development cooperation agreement signed in June last year, Germany has committed a sum of 115 million Euros for development assistance between 2008 and 2011. The agreement covers an Engineering Capacity Building Program (ECBP), Sustainable Utilization to Natural Resources (SUNR), Protection of Basic Services (PBS) and Urban Governance and Decentralization (UGD). *******
***************
Peace and security are essential elements for economic development and for the encouragement of regional integration. IGAD is currently discussing a Peace and Security Strategy to address the root causes of conflict in the region more effectively. It’s being discussed by member states and will be submitted to the IGAD Council of Ministers soon. The strategy will give more attention to the work of the Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN) by bringing on board the Somali ‘cluster’ in a more organized way, to add to its current security focus, the Karamoja ‘cluster’ in Uganda. The new strategy will enhance the activities of IGAD’s Capacity-building Program Against Terrorism (ICPAT) to allow member states to address the issue of terrorism both as a group and individually, and promote the role of IGAD’s Climate Prediction and Applications Centre (ICPAC) based in Nairobi, further integrating their programs. Peace and security obviously contribute to economic development of the region, and for peace and security to prevail it is equally necessary to deal with one of the root causes of conflict, poverty. Peace and security, and economic development. in fact feed on each other. Both must be addressed if development is to be successful and the social and political issues of the region be dealt with. IGAD will use a two pronged approach, one political and the other economic. The IGAD Heads of State and Government that met in June 2008 instructed the IGAD Secretariat to speed up the implementation of regional integration and submit a road map to the IGAD Council of Ministers. The Secretariat with the support of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) produced a study, the IGAD Minimum Integration Plan (MIP). This went far beyond the establishment of a common market, and was subject to a scrutiny by experts of member states in a workshop held in October 2008. The Secretariat, with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia, current chair of IGAD, is now in the process of finalizing the documentation for presentation to the Council of Ministers who will meet in June to consider the study. It is expected the Council will give guidance on the establishment of an IGAD Common Market. This implies the establishment of a free trade area and then of a customs union. The Council will also consider a number of other issues for economic cooperation, among them agriculture, environment, transport, trade, energy, ICT and health. In fact, some areas of possible co-operation, including energy, ICT, and road connectivity, are already in process of implementation. An economic cooperation agreement will merely give them a regional dimension. Equally, implementation of an IGAD Common Market will require an institution with the capacity and capability to carry out the decisions of member states. A consultant is currently involved in producing a study of the necessary institutional arrangements and of the required structure, staffing, manuals, and other elements. His work is expected to be finalized later this year, and will be presented for approval by the Assembly of Head of States, or by IGAD Council of Ministers, in the second half of the year. The re-organization, and revitalization of IGAD and the creation of an IGAD Common Market is a substantial task. It will require very considerable financial resources, and member states have the responsibility to increase their annual contributions, and at the very least pay their contributions, and arrears, in full. Member states are committed to assist the IGAD Secretariat, and it was encouraging that some members in substantial arrears settled up last year. It should also be noted that IGAD partners, such as Denmark, Canada, USAID, the European Union and others, can be expected to play a positive role in the future of IGAD by pledging new funds for existing and for new IGAD undertakings. In the second half of the year, IGAD will be working towards a common market and deepening its commitment to peace and security in the Sudan and Somalia. It will undertake fundamental institutional changes and fully engage in soliciting resources to implement its new programs. And as current chair of IGAD, Ethiopia is committed to assist the IGAD Secretariat in its efforts to implement the decisions of the IGAD Council of Ministers. |
|
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
A